Monastic Orders

Reviewing the History of the Settlement of the Solitary at Koch-Halekung (Cocalico), Lancaster County; Also the Resultant Monastic Orders.

EDITORIAL NOTE:-The fascinating human interest undeniably present in the story of Conrad Beissel and his followers in the Ephrata Cloister of the eighteenth century, has tempted many writers to distort the real history. Novelists, journalists, and those who write for the general public, have had their thoughts and imagination centered on the proximity of the sexes in the monastic houses, others, even the diarists of the "Chronicon Ephratense," the official journal of the Monastery, have shown an evident desire to obscure certain sensational passages of the record.

No general history of Lancaster county would be complete that did not refer to the history of the Ephrata Community, but probably no other Subject would be so difficult for a local historian to cover without bias; hence It was thought advisable to assign this study to an outside historian, so that Lancaster county might be able to put into its permanent record an Independent, and consequently, impartial, interpretation, one that is governed by no journalistic consideration of timeliness or public interest, nor Influenced for any denominational reason, to deviate from a direct and lucid stating of the whole of a significant fact.

One of the most interesting chapters of the provincial history of Lancaster county is that which has to do with the religious enthusiasts, of both sexes, who in the fourth and later decades of the eighteenth century were to be found living an unusual unnatural life of self-denial and body-attrition in the solitude of the wilderness of the Conestoga country. These men and women were ascetics of incredible intensity and disturbing theories. Some were unmarried, some self-divorced, but all were pledged to the single life, to perpetual chastity, courting only the favor of the celestial virgin, Sophia, in the hope of passing on to spiritual virginity-to the state in which Adam was before he fell; and meanwhile, by their spiritual obsession and saintly aspirations failing to see, or giving little heed to, the thoughts that their mode of life would prompt in more worldly-minded persons. The element of disturbance to family life and domestic happiness in the homes of Lancaster county pioneers increased after the solitaries who were on the banks of the Hoch-Haickung, or Cocalico, had changed from the solitary state to a mystical monastic communal one in which the two orders the Brotherhood of Zion and the Sisterhood of the Spiritual Virgins instituted, in their religious fervor, devotional practices so unconventional as to bring the settlement into public odium. Midnight devotional gatherings, nocturnal processions', feet-washing, tonsure or crown-shearing, confessional, Sunday labor, judaizing innovations, jesnitical indications, a flat denunciation of the marital state, and a marked inclination to the mystical and theosophical, all contributed to keep the neighboring settlers in a fever of excitement, resentment and indignation against the queer settlement and sect, and to bring several perplexities to the civil government.

The Settlement of the Solitary at what became Ephrata developed a theorist of very unusual characteristics, a man physically diminutive and emaciated, "a living skeleton until his death," but possessed of such a magnetic personality that his influence, benign or malign, was felt by almost all with whom he came into contact; a man so exalted in spiritual thought as to feel, as he admitted, that he "bore in his heart the seal of redemption of the whole world"; a divine so far advanced in spiritual perfection and so conscious of his solitary state in this woorld as to be prompted to baptise himself rather than be immersed by another of lower plane, though that other was at that time the "official baptizer" of the Dunkard sect in America. Johann Conrad Beissel, the founder and inspiration of the Society of the Solitary at Ephrata, was, even late in life, convinced that his place in eternity would be that of the Prince of Baptists, and, in the early years of his "awakening," was so conscious that he communed with God that his dissertations were based on his own imaginings, not on the Bible, "so that his hearers were thrown into holy confusion." "On such occasions wonderful mysteries of eternity were often revealed through him, of which he himself had before been ignorant." And his delivery was so rapid, because of his desire to "hurry after the Spirit," to catch all that was communicated before the Spirit retired "again into his secret chamber," that he often "concerned himself but little about the rules of language." One friend, Henry Zimmermann was prompted to say to him: "Conrad, Conrad! You have taken upon you a sore load; you will get to be a fool." This, Conrad Beissel heeded little; he lived as one apart from the affairs of this world, as little concerned in its conventions as in its rules of government; but in any other province than Pennsylvania he would probably have been accorded less religious and political freedom. He was looked upon as a sorcerer by some, as a man of lewd practices by some, but as a wonderful man of God, by the greater number of those who came into close contact with him. And the institution he developed at Ephrata came, by its works, so prominently into the colonial history of Pennsylvania and Lancaster county that no general historical work, of that county, at least, would be complete that did not contain a review of the unique monastic orders of Ephrata. Sachse, writing of Beissel in his "German Sectarians of Pennsylvania" states:

The founder of the Ephrata Community was one of those religious leaders who, in a few years, succeeded in gathering around him a number of men and women, some of considerable erudition; and in less than a decade we had here, in Pennsylvania, a semi-rnonastic community, which developed into a religious, educational, commercial, and industrial establishment, and at an early date set up here, far away from the chief city of the Province, the third printing-press within the Colony and the first to print both German and English types.

.In another place, regarding Ephrata and its "peculiar" community, Sachse writes:

It was here, and here alone, in this secluded valley, in the primitive forest, on the banks of the Cocalico, that there was successfully established for a time in the New World a mystical community under the name of Ein Orden der Einsamen (the Community of the Solitary), whose chief aim was to attain spiritual and physical regeneration and perfection. Here for over half a century the secret mysteries of this occult philosophy were explained and the sacred rites practiced without fear of molestation or official interference, while the votaries lived undisturbed in their voluntary seclusion. Here for years the most profound occult sciences, combined with the simple Sabbatarian tenets, were taught and promulgated, and possibly in no other community in this country was there so complete a renunciation of the world and as much simple Christian faith manifested as there was among the recluse Sabbatarians of Ephrata.

So it behooves the compiler to endeavor to review the history of this interesting, unique, and in some respects helpful, Ephrata institution of colonial days from its origin to its decline.

Alexander Mack Founds Dunker Church-The background is to be found in the history of the early Baptist sects in Germany. The Baptist Brethren movement began in the year 1521, when the so-called Zwickau prophet arose in Saxony, preached adult baptism and prophesied the coming Mil- lennium. The doctrine spread throughout Switzerland, Franconia, and Thuringia. Unfortunately the sect became involved in the Peasants' War and suffered defeat at Frankenhausen, May 15, 1525. In 1528 the Emperor Charles V. issued an edict to crush the sect wherever found within his dominions, which persecution did no more than spread the doctrine further afield, under different names, such as Stabler, Clanucalarii, Gartenbruder (Hortularii), Heftler (or Knopfier), the last so named because they substituted hooks and eyes in place of buttons on their clothing, a peculiarity still practiced by one branch of the Mennonites of Lancaster county, Pa. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the Anabapists movement, despite persecution, slowly spread over Europe. Many independent movements tended to keep the doctrine alive, in northern Germany, Holland, and Switzerland. Notable among them was that which originated in the endeavor of Simon Menno, and which ultimately gave America its sturdy Mennonite pioneers. But the movement which is more directly the background of Ephrata history is that which had its inception in 1708, in Schwartzenau and brought into being the Dunker Baptist sect. Certain "important changes in the realm of the church took place in many lands, especially in Germany," in the first decade of the eighteenth century wrote Brother Agrippa (Johann Peter Miller) in the "Chronicon Ephratense," in 1786. "A great many people, of all ranks, separated themselves from the common forms of worship, and were in general called Pietists. As such, they were not included "in the religious peace." They met with such severe persecution that some again sought refuge "in the pale of the church." They were designated Church-Pietists. The others, as refugees, congregated in districts wherein they would be granted liberty of conscience, finding it in Marienborn, Schwartzenau, Schlechtenboden, and some other regions; but life at the best was insecure and precarious. Among the Pietist sects gathered in those regions were two congregations "whose principle', were radically different and contrary," the Community of True Inspiratior, and the Baptists at Schwartzenau. With both of these congregations Conrad Beissel, who later founded the Ephrata order, was "intricately involved,' as will later herein be shown.

The Schwartzenau Baptist congregation was formed in 1708 by eight persons who were convinced that the only correct mode of administering bap- tisin was by trine immersion. These eight persons thus were the founder., of the sect which later became known as "Tauffer" Baptists, and by the names of "Tunker ... .. Dunker," "Dunkard." As the founders of a sect whici eventually became one of the strong denominations of Pennsylvania, mor( might properly here be introduced regarding them, and the circumstance., of founding. The eight persons were: Alexander Mack, their teacher, a, wealthy miller of Schriesheim an der Bergstrasse (who devoted all of his earthly possessions to the common good, and thereby became so poor that at last he had not bread enough to last from one day to the next) ; his house keeper, a widow Noethiger; Andreas Bone, John George Hoening, Luke Vetter, Kippinger, and a gunsmith whose name is not known." This is the version of Peter Miller, written in 1786 from his recollection of Alexandet Mack, and of the latter's son who entered the Ephrata monastic order. He further writes: "From these eight persons are descended all the various kinds of Baptists among the High Germans in North America, who now are scattered from New Jersey to Georgia; but whether they were the first who restored immersion as a candle to its candlestick, in Germany, that is a question demanding closer investigation. It is asserted that the godly Hochmann agreed with them on the subject of baptism, but as they carried the thing out while he was under arrest, he could not afterwards insist upon it any more."

Alexander Mack, Jr., who in Ephrata was known as Brother Timotheus, realized the importance of the records of the founding, and tried after the death of his father to gather and preserve what remained of the records and accounts of the original congregation. As to the founders, his research caused him to set them down as: George Grebi, from Hesse Cassel; Lucas Vetter, from Hesseniand; Alexander Mack, from Scheishaim; Andreas Bone, from Basel; Johannes Kipping, from Bariet, Wurttemberg; Johanna Nothigerin, or Bonisin, wife of Andreas Bone; Anna Margretha Mack, wife of Alexander Mack; Johanna Kippinger.

Rupp's version almost agrees, making due allowance for orthographical and typographical errors. The Lancaster historian gives the eight names as Alexander Mack, George Graby, Lucas Fetter, Andrew Boney and John Kipping, Johanna Bong, Anna Margaretta Mack and Johanna Kipping. These eight enthusiasts, states Rupp, in their reading of the Scriptures, "conceived that immersion was the only valid mode of administering baptism," but as none of them had been so baptized, "they felt themselves in a difficulty." One of their number "who labored among them in word, visited the societies in different parts of Germany, to collect the opinion of the Awakened generally, upon the subject of baptism"; but derived little encouragement therefrom. He found the greater number to be of the opinion "that a handfull of water by pouring would answer the same end" as immersion. "The consciences of the before-mentioned could, however, find no satisfaction in these; they therefore desired him, who was their minister, to baptize them by immersion; (but) * * * he felt a diffidence to comply with their request." He felt that he should first be baptized by immersion himself, "before he could conscientiously baptize any of them." So they forthwith "betook themselves to fasting and prayer," and having found encouragement and enlightenment in a testimony of scripture, "they cast lots who of the four brethren should baptize him that was anxiously desirous of being baptized; they pledged their word at the same time that it should remain a secret upon whom the lot fell, that no one might take occasion to call the society by the name of any man, as was the case with the Corinthian church, which was sharply reproved by the Apostle." In the morning they went out to a stream called Ader, and "then he upon whom the lot had fallen baptized the brother," who being thus qualified, "baptized him first by whom he had been baptized, and the three remaining brethren, and the sisters; thus were these eight, at an early hour in the morning, baptized in the water by trine immersion; and after they came up out of the water and had changed their clothes they were filled with joy, and, by the grace of God, these expressions were revived in their minds with peculiar energy: 'Be ye fruitful and multiply'."

From the first, the members of this Protestant sect recognized no others name than "Brethren," although others recognized them as "Tunkers," "Dunkers," presumably deriving it from the German tunken, to dip. The founding band seem to have adopted a communal life, the property of all being common. The sexes dwelt apart, and all seemed desirous of living lives of piety and continence. But others soon joined them, and notwithstanding opposition by the churches and political persecution, the sect increased and other congregations were organized in which the communal spirit was not so strong, and the marital tie was not forbidden though discouraged. The latter question seems to have been the cause the first division. The Schwartzenau congregation increased rapidly during the life of Count Henry, of Schwartzenau, who gave them his protection, and a branch had settled in the Marienborn district. With his death, however, persecution was renewed. Some of the sect were driven to Holland, some to Crefelt (Creyfeld, Creyfels) in the Duchy of Cleves, and the mother church to Serustervin, in Friesland. The Marienborn congregation, after being thrice persecuted there, finally in 1715, found a refuge in Crefelt, the very place from which the Mennonites who founded Germantown, the first German colony in the New World, departed in 1683. Among the Brethren or "Tunkers," who came together in Crefelt were John H. Kalkloser from Frankenthal; Christian Leib and Abraham DuBois, from Ebstein; John Naas and others from the north; Peter Becker, from Dilsheim; John H. Traut and his brethren, and Stephen Koch and George B, Gantz from Umstadt; and Michael Eckerling, from Strasburg. Peter Miller wrote (1786) as follows regarding the Crefelt congregation: "Here a division took place. Some say it was with reference to the question whether one might marry out of the congregation. Others maintain that the occasion of it was the marriage, contrary to the teaching of Paul (I Cor. 7:), of a single minister of theirs by the name of Hager * * * In the year 1719 a party of them arrived Pennsylvania with Peter Becker, who afterwards became their teacher.'

Brother Agrippa (which is Roman for jaebez, the monastic name which Peter Miller was more commonly known in Ephrata), thus seems indicate the reason why Peter Becker and other Dunker brethren reached America ten years before Alexander Mack, the founder, crossed the ocean

Peter Becker crossed at the head of twenty families of the Dunker sect The year of his coming has been doubted by some, but there is sufficit corroborative evidence to remove the doubt. Eshleman, in his "Annals of Swiss and German Pioneer Settlers of Southeastern Pennsylvania," refers to the twenty families of Dunkards, as emigrants, in his events of 1719. Kuhns, p.179, makes reference to them, as. settling in Germantown, Skippach, Oley, Conestoga, in that year; and Conyngharn, in vol. 7 of Hazard's Register, p.124, makes the connection clear, and as of the year 1719. The versions are at variance in many details, but the year, 1719, is stated in each case.

Regarding this, the first, migration to America of the followers of Alexander Mack,-they may be so considered, even though temporarily estranged, Rupp, in his "History of Lancaster County," Pennsylvania, (1844), writes: "They first settled at Germantown, some at Skippack, Oley, ohers at Conestoga, and elsewhere. A congregation of them was organized and they chose Peter Becker as official baptizer. The society increased rapidly, and sooi church was formed in Lancaster county, at Muelbach (Mill Creek)."

Conrad Beissel, the Magus of Ephrata-But we are getting ahead of the story. Much of the earlier and relative happenings must be set down in writing before we can take up the Mill Creek Congregation record, the most prominent' peculiar, and disturbing member of which congregation was in its first years Johann Conrad Beissel. And the part he took in what happened to that early church of the Conestoga country, and to the nearby Ephrata religious body he was soon to found, was so important that the greater part of what fol- lows in this chapter must of necessity be in reality his biography.

Johann Conrad Beissel died on July 6, 1768, and was buried in "God's Acre" in the Cloister grounds at Ephrata, Pennsylvania.. The inscription on his tombstone reads:

a Solitary, but later become a Leader, Guardian and Teacher of the Solitary and of the Congregation of Christ in and about Ephrata. Born at Eberbach in the Palatinate, called Conrad Beisel: Fell asleep July 6, Anno 1768; aged according to his spiritual age 52 years, but according to his natural, 77 years and 4 months.

His birth-year therefore was 1691, though Sachse, in his "German Sectarians of Pennsylvania," gives it as1690.

Sachse states that Beissel was "converted" in 1715, the statement being also made in the "Chronicon Ephratense," p. 4; but the Ephrata record above quoted would make the year 1716. And it is not at all clear whether that was the year in which Beisset affiliated with Pietists and Inspirationists, or when he merely first began to "long for spiritual regeneration," which yearning came to him while he was still a journeyman baker and in his native town. After that came travels as a journeyman baker, some sad experiences, and some backsliding before we find him in Heidelberg, experiencing "an enlight- enment of the Spirit" and attending revival meetings in the Lutheran church. Then followed introduction to Pietists in Heidelberg, "who all maintained a hidden walk with God"; soon after which Beisset chose banishment rather than "go through" a church of one of the dominant religions even "once a year." However, Beissel was probably to some extent identified with Pietists from his first "awakening," in his native town in 1716, for then he became acquainted with George Stieffel, "who afterwards shared a hermit's life with him in America for awhile." Beissel came into touch with Inspirationists in Strasburg in the same year, through one Michael Eckerling, a capmaker, father of the four brothers Eckerling, of whom much will be written later herein. But religious fervor does not seem to have then become dominant in him. He was at times still "a man of the world," self-reliant and capable at his trade, but morally not as stable as he later became. His actions were no doubt the results of his hapless upbringing. He was the posthumous son of "a dissolute journeyman baker," and was only in his eighth year when completely orphaned. "From that time on he led a sorry life, after the man- ner of the country, until he was old enough to learn a trade." He probably did not attend any school, but "he showed a wonderful facility in learning many things * * * merely by his own reflection"; so much so indeed that his oldest brother often said to him, "your studying will make a fool of you yet." Like most boys, however, Conrad was in great measure influenced by his elders; and those early influences were not all good, unfortunately. Early apprenticed to a master-baker who was of the happy-go-lucky type, "one of the 390 careless sort of individuals to be found in every community," young Conrad ligrew up unrestrained and neglected"; and, following his master's example, "would rather fiddle at a wedding feast, and turn a buxom damsel in the dance than knead his dough or rake the oven." Consequently, "the wonder was all the greater when afterwards it was said he had become a Pietist."

Beissel was small of physical frame, but of wonderfully'atert brain. Untaught, he had mastered "mercantile calculations" so well that "he could easily solve the most intricately involved matters"; so that he probably set out on his travels as a journeyman-baker with much confidence in himself. In Strasburg he endeavored to enlist in a battalion of bakers recruited for service in Hungary, in repelling the Turkish invasion. That he was not accepted he later looked upon as by God's providence, for the four hundred other journeymen-bakers were all killed. From Strasburg, Beissel journeyed to Manheim, and there "was temporarily brought low in the spirit," and eventually forced to leave his master's house "on account of some trouble with the latter's wife whom he called a Jezebel." One record dates Beissel's determination to become a celibate to this Manheim experience. Brother Agrippa, writing of this incident and resolution explains that: "* * * the drawings of the Virgin above were so strong within him that it was deeply impressed upon his heart, that a man who intends to devote himself to the service of God must, at the beginning of his conversion, renounce Adam's generative work, for which reason he bade good night to earthly woman at the very commencement. On this account also the tribes of the earth expelled him from their fellowship.'

From Manheirn Beissel trudged to Heidelberg, and there found work at his trade with a master-baker named Prior. The young journeyman-baker "soon became the most celebrated baker in the city," attributable, inferentially to "an enlightenment of the Spirit" which he experienced at revival meetings then proceeding. These he attended in common with his companions; but "one of the services made such an impression on his mind that he forsook the company of his fellow-joumeymen" and gave his thoughts to religious truths. He was however "still so unsophisticated and simple in his awakening, that he made use of the churches," states Brother Agrippa. He often attended the Lutheran church to listen to "such eminent theologians and servants of God as Rev. Prof. L. Ludwig Christian Meig, the Rev. Johann Christian Kirchmeir, and others of equal celebrity," and he admitted "being edified thereby"; nevertheless, when a little later he was likely to come under the ban of the religious as well as the civil authorities, and was offered the protection of the first-named minister "if he would only go through his church once a year," he refused, as such would have been against his conscience."

Fraternity of the Rosy Cross-What was it caused Beissel, when unde trial and risking banishment, perhaps worse, to adhere so resolutely and exclusively to a secret and forbidden sect, a resolution so contrary to his then recent practice of attending the Lutheran church? A much stronger influ ence than he had formerly felt must have held him. The answer is to be found perhaps in the acquaintanceship he made while in Heidelberg with " learned mystic and theosophist named Haller," through whom he was introduced to a secret order. Possibly it was in reality his introduction to Pietistical circles. The "Chronicon Ephratense" as to this, reads:

At Heidelberg he met a learned scholar named Haller, a strong suitor to the virgin Sophia, and also a correspondent of Gichtel. * * * This man made him acquainted with the Pietists in Heidelberg, who all maintained a hidden walk with God. * * * Haller first introduced him to their meeting, which for fear of men they held in the forest, and he was astonished beyond measure when these dear people the first time called him Brother. He often said that he had passed through three awakenings, in which he always had to deal with newly awakened ones, but he must confess that the greater part of his heart remained at the first awakening at Heidelburg.

Sachse placed much importance on this Heidelberg experience, being firmly convinced that Beissel's initiation into the Fraternity of the Rosy Cross was the explanation of many of his subsequent actions. At all events, Beisset was in spirit a mystic and theosophist for the remainder of his life. Regarding Haller, and Beissel's introduction to the Heidelberg chapter, Sachse writes:

Through him Beissel obtained an introduction to, or was initiated in, the local Rosicrucian chapter held under the guise or name of a Pietist conventicle, which organization counted many of the most learned and distinguished men in the conununity among its membership. But being under the ban of the secular as well as the religious authorities, they were forced to hold their meetings in secrecy, in an almost inaccessible fastness of the forest. Here, within the tiled precincts of the wierd rocky chasm (Felsenschlugt), by the fitful light of resinous torches, Conrad Beissel followed his guide, was brought to the true Light, taught the first steps of the Brotherhood and received instruction in the rudiments of the secret rites and Mysteries of the Fraternity of the Rosy Cross.

This Rosicrucian association was traceable in much of the mystical practices observed later in the Ephrata monastery, though Masonic influences were present also, and many of the theosophical writings of Beissel have merely put forward theories advanced earlier by others, as will be shown.

However, Heidelberg was soon to banish Beissel. The first attempt did not succeed, but his connection with the Heidelberg chapter ere long became known to members of his guild, who informed master-bakers "who had suffered from the excellence of the adept's (Beissel's) bread." He was arrested, fined, and driven from the town, losing presumably his Wanderbuch, his trade credentials, without which he could not find work at his trade. He went back to his native place to bid goodbye to his relatives, but left again in haste, his "inner guide" telling him that he was in danger of arrest. He thereby escaped by a few hours from soldiers who were sent to arrest him. Haller had advised him "to betake himself to the friends in Schwarzenau, which was at that time the Pella and rendezvous for all the pious." And eventually, after wandering from place to'place, "ekeing out a scant existence by wool spinning" and other casual employments, the young man reached Schwarzenau, and "sojourned for a short time with the Taufers" at that place.

Hardships he had endured had "so deeply affected him that he came near retracting." His labors had been "almost more than human nature could endure"; and he had contracted consumption, "through his practice of a severe penance"; so that when he reached the region where the Inspirationists lived, de everybody felt pity for this young warrior, as for one whose thread of life was about being severed ere yet he had fairly commenced his day's work." (He became well again, "through God's grace" and the skill of "the renowned Doctor Carl," who "prescribed the'use of sheep's ribs.") Beissel fortunately got into the household of a good baker named Schatz, "who with his wife feared God and was a real Gaius, or host, to all the devout." There under better conditions of living, he was brought into deeper religious reflection. He found religious conditions not much better in Schwarzenau than in regions where persecution was ever present. Brother Agrippa writes: * * * * * "He 392 at length came into the region where the Inspirationists lived. There he beheld a worse Babel among the pious who had come out from Babel than he had seen in Babel itself; for while in the latter one religion strove against the other, here persons were opposed one to another. Each one lived for him- self and regulated his conduct according to his own inclinations, which the Superintendent (Beissel) did not deem possible for truly pious persons." Beissel looked "impatiently upon the evil of others," and in consequence became conscious that his own "walk in the Spirit had no continuance." This realization may have brought him to a more kindly frame of mind, though he could not bring himself to take full membership in either the Baptist con- gregations at Schwarzenau, or the Inspirationists, at Marienborn. "The former seemed to him, as a strict separatist, entirely too sectarian," wrote Peter Miller, "but among the latter he found entrance through his master, Schatz"; "they were also nearer to him," added the Ephrata chronicler, "wherefore he went with them for a time, although he never became a mem- ber of their organization." Beissel there brought censure upon himself be- cause of the strange effect his presence, kneeling in prayer, in church had brought upon two young sister.-, who knelt opposite. The attraction was deemed worldly, but, so far as Beisset was concerned, it was spiritual; never- theless, the church leaders decided to transfer Beissel from the adults' to the children's meeting. This caused Beisset to withdraw from the Inspiration- ist meetings altogether. After this experience he went to live with Stiefel, "making a miserable living by spinning wool"; and he met several peculiar but good people. "Among his friends was a godly nobleman by the name of junkerroth, who believed in the transmigration of souls intq other bodies, and for this reason never married, as he did not wish to bring up strange spirits." He had much wealth and, in order to rid himself of it, was wont, when the Pious asked for aid, "to give them the keys of his chest, that they might take as much as they needed." He may have been the patron of Beissel, though it is clear that the latter soon found life in Germany intolerable.

Sickness, lack of employment, and a particular desire which will be soon disclosed, influenced Beissel to think of emigrating to America. He interested Steiffel and some other young men, and it was soon determined upon. When some of the leading Pietists heard of Beissel's intention they did their utmost to dissuade him, without avail, however. So, having borrowed the money with which to pay for the sea-passage, Beissel and his companions crossed to America in 1720. Although Beisset's emigration followed soon after that of Peter Becker, who crossed with twenty families of the Schwarzenau Dunker sect in 1719, and notwithstanding that Becker and Beisset came together as soon as the latter reached Germantown, there seems to have been no connection between the two parties of emigrants. In fact, Beissel was not of the Dunker church, and had quite independent reasons for emigrating. Sachse makes this clear; he writes:

After much tribulation and persecution, he (Beissel) resolved to leave the Fatherland and go to the wilds of the New World, and affiliate with the Chapter of Perfection established by Kelpius on the Wissahickon. * * * * * Beissel made preparations * * * and sailed for America toward the close of the Summer of 1720. His companions across the ocean were George Steifel, Jacob Stuntz, Simon Koenig, Heinrich van Bebber, and others. * * * * * It was stated that these people were religious enthusiasts. In reality they were a band of Pietists, who came to America to join the Community of the "Woman in the Wilderness,' established by Kelpius and others on the banks of the Wissahickon in the year 1694.

However, the "seekeers after spiritual perfection" were surprised to find, upon arrival at Germantown in October, 1720, that the community they had hoped to join bad ceased to exist as an organized body. Sachse writes:

Beissel and his companions expected to find here an ideal spiritual community, whose chief interest centered around the Tabernacle in the primitive forest, where the time was spent in prayer, and a nightly watch was kept to obtain the first glimpse of the harbinger in the skies, who should appear to announce the coming of the celestial bridegroom; a community where the world with its allurements was secondary to the state of spiritual regeneration.

In the place of this expected elysium they found the Tabernacle deserted, the nocturnal watch upon the tower long since abandoned, Magister Kelpius dead, while of the other leaders Koster had returned to Europe, and the Falkner brothers were itinerating in the adjoining provinces.

Most of the other members of the Woman in the Wilderness Community had scattered, taking up worldy pursuits again. In the words of the Chronicon Ephretense, "after their leader died, the Tempter found occasion to scatter them, as those who had been most zealous against marrying now betook themselves to women again, which brought such ignominy on the solitary state that the few who still held to it dared not open their mouths for shame."

Such was the state when Beisset reached Germantown. He was disillusioned as to Germantown also. He supposed it would be peopled by those who were living a life of piety and apostolic simplicity"; in reality he found that a number of these former religious refugees "had enriched themselves by accepting official position, or engaging in worldly pursuits."

The Ephrata diarist thus make reference to the deplorable state Beissel found in Germantown upon his arrival:

Many who had maintained a very proper walk in Germany had here hung up their holy calling on a nail and what was worse would give no one credit for zeal or diligence. Among these were several who in the Palatinate had let themselves be driven from house and home but here left great wealth behind them after their death. All this caused him (Beissel) much concern; for he everywhere saw the pious sitting at the helrn and exercising magisterial offices.

In view of this condition of spiritual affairs, Beissel and his party of Pietiets resolved not to tell others of their true ' urpose in coming to America; and for the time being the party determined to separate, each taking up some means of livelihood. Beissel found that the prospects of employment at his own trade in Germantown were not good, "as every housewife prided herself as much upon her baking as she did on her spinning and knitting." So, after consulting Conrad Matthai, one of the few faithful followers of Kelpins, and still living as a hermit on the Ridge of the Wissahicken, he resolved to learn the weaver's art, of which he already had some knowledge. Hence it came about that he formed association with Peter Becker, then a master-weaver, of Germantown. Beissel signed indentures to serve Becker for one year as a weaver of apprentice grade. As such he entered the household of Peter Becker. and during the year of daily association Peter Becker and Conrad Beissel grew to esteem each other highly, many opportunities arising of discussing the religious situation in the province. And Beissel found Becker to be a devout Christian, well versel in the Scriptures, and a good teacher. It hardly seems possible, however, that Beissel even then thought of Becker as being in any way his superior in the church; in fact, there is more reason for thinking that he felt himself to be far in advance of Becker in spiritual status. Indeed, Beissel was not of the Dunker church, as it existed when be left Germany, and no congregation of that sect had yet been formed in America. And the material thoughts and ways that filled the days of almost all of the Pennsylvania colonists at that time only strengthened Beisset in his determination to carry out his original purpose, at the end of his apprenticeship, seeking the solitary state somewhere in the wilderness, in the hope that he might there reach spiritual perfection. To remain in Germantown would bring him so closely in contact with worldly practices and thoughts that he dreaded lest he might himself reach the deplorable state of so many formerly devout Germans, who had seemed to set aside their religion to accept worldly offices and material advantages in America.

Peter Becker himself, though a powerful leader and an earnest Christian, had not even been able to hold together his own little band of Dunkers who had broken away from the Crefeldt congregation and had come to America under his leadership in 1719. They were now scattered to the winds; had separated in Germantown, self-preservation being dominant in their actions. Some had gone to Conestoga, other had settled to the northward in Aley, beyond the Schuylkill, and some had found homes in the extreme northern part of Chester county, in Coventry township.

All seemingly had set aside spiritual observances in their concern for the material things of the world.

So, at least, it seemed Conrad Beissel, whose aim was rather to mortify the flesh than to nourish it. Therefore, even before the end of the year of contract, Beissel, though a good weaver, closed the connection and made arrangements henceforth to live the life of a reculse in the wilderness. In the fall of 1721, in company with his former companion, Jacob Stuntz, and upon the advise of Conrad Matthai, he went into the Conestoga country; "and there in a secluded spot in the primitive forest, beside a fine spring of water, the two wanderers built for themselves a log cabin."

The exact spot at which he settled can now be determined with much confidence. It undoubtedly was in Lancaster county, though Rev. J. Max Hark's translation of the "Chronicon Ephratense" locater), the cabin "at a place called Muehlbach," an explanatory foot-note reading: "Mill Creek, in what is now Lebanon County." Sachse, however, found that Beissel's original log cabin was built in Leacock township of Lancaster county. He writes:

The two wanderers built for themselves a log cabin. This was on the banks of the Muhlbach (Mill Creek), a branch of the Conestoga. This branch rises in the Welsh rnoutains in the eastern end of Lancaster county, and after an intricate course empties into that river at the dividing line of Pequea and West Lampeter townships.

The exact situation of this historic spot can, after a lapse of a century and three-quarters, be given to a certainty, thanks to some old surveys, maps and records, which have been found and located after a long and patient search extending over years. * * * The site of Beissel's original cabin in Lancaster county is upon the grounds of Miss Marianna Gibbons, about half a mile north of the Bird-in-Hand Station on the Pennsylvania railroad, and agrees with the old record, which states that it was eight miles from the junction of the Muhlbach with the Conestoga. * * * It was upon a tract of one thousand acres, originally deeded to Elizabeth Wartnaby.

Within a couple of years of its raising, the log cabin was sold to Joseph Gibbons, a son of James Gibbons, that family having purchased the Wartnaby tract. The hermits, however, were, in reality, merely squatters on the land, and Gibbons could have seized thecabin without payment.

According to the "Chronicon Ephratense," Beissel's life in that cabin was spent in solitude. The settlers were curious, and made many calls upon them, and were impressed by their saintly aims; so much that Beissel later attributed to a quickening of the Spirit among the settlers throughout the whole region to their presence and example among them. But a reading of the "Chronicon Ephratense" gives one the impression that at this period Beissel's desire was only for the solitary life, and that his first years in the Conestoga Valley were so spent. On the other hand, Sachse states that Beissel chose the Mill Creek site for "weighty reasons," seclusion being the chief one, but an important reason being that from that spot "they readily engage in revival work among their countrymen," the settlements within accessible radius including Coventry, Oley, Pequea, and Conestoga. Bearing in mind Beissel's longing for solitude while still a weaver in Germantown, one would lean toward the Ephrata rendering. Beissel admitted as much in a letter which he later wrote to "Friend Griess in Manheim," regarding his part in the "awakening" among the settlers in Pennsylvania in 1722, and later years of that decade. After having referred to "his retired and separate life," he finally wrote:

In those sorrowful times I purposed to forsake mankind, and with several others betook myself into the forests in the district of Conestoga; but I continued to feel an unchanging heart-yearning to enjoy once more the love of my God before I should die, which also was granted me, and indeed quite suddenly, in an instant, when a ray of light from the divine loving kindness streamed forth. * * * Now I thought I had triumphed, and purposed, in the quiet of the Spirit (as separate from all men) to serve my God continually in his holy temple. But what happened? Ere I was aware, that whole region was illumined by that heavenly light. * * * At first, indeed, it tarried for a while in this same region where I dwelt, and in this wise: one heard here and there of one being awakened, and in such places where it was quite unusual, which first of all was the cause for reflection as to what kind of people those must be who lived there solitary in the wilderness (which was myself and another one) ; at the same time inquiries came to me from inquiring spirits, of a deeply searching kind, as to what were the cause of this quiet and solitary life. Thus it was given me to recommend the mysteries of the kingdom of God by renouncing this world.

Beissel moved to some extent among the people of the region, but prob-ably did little in the way of "exhortation," except when the "inquiring spirits" came to his cabin for advice. He even would not accept the eagerly proffered hospitality of settlers when traveling, offending some by refusing food, though he had not eaten for two or three days. However, many pilgrimages were made to the hut of the hermits, both for religious and academic instruction, it seems. Sachse says that after Beissel and Stuntz were well-established in their new abode, "they entered upon a life of seclusion and prayer, exhorting their neighbors when opportunity offered and imparting instruction to such of the young as were sent to them." In this way, thinks Sachse, "the first free school was held within the bound of Lancaster county." Regarding this pioneer effort of Beisset and his companions in the field of education, Sachse writes:

The faculty were two or three religious enthusiasts; the pupils the children of the early German settlers; the curriculum, simple as it was, was strictly religious and moral. The writer doubts whether it went beyond the alphabet, Vater Unser, the catechism, and a few Bibel-Spruch. * * * However, * * * crude as was the instruction imparted in the rude hut on the Muhlbach, there are evidneces that it laid a religious foundation in the pupils to which they remained true to the end.

Before the end of 1721, Beissel and Stuntz were joined by Isaac van Bebber, the younger nephew of Heinrich van Bebber, who had crossed to America with them. And after a little while he induced Beissel to go with him on a visit to the Labadist Community at Bohemia Manor, Maryland, "where had been established in 1684 the first Protestant mystic community in the New World." Van Bebber wanted to visit his father, but Beissel's main reason for going was to study the mystical character of the Bohemian Community. While there he had conferences with Peter Sluyter, who with Dankarts had founded the community almost forty years before; and Beissel carried back impressions to which might be attributed, thinks Sachse " many of the peculiar features of the Ephrata Community, "not the least important one being the manner of separating the sexes."

Shortly after van Bebber and Beissel had returned to Muhlbach, they were joined by George Stiefel, another of whose who had crossed the ocean with the journeyman-baker; and with his coming, the four enthusiasts entered upon "a joint life of probation and seclusion from the world," or, as the "Chronicon Ephratense has it. "they resolved to dwell together in brotherly and communal manner." But they continued to give spiritual counsel to all who visited them; and they also continued to give instruction to such children as were sent to them. One of these scholars was Barbara Meyer, who as Sister Jael later joined the sisterhood at Ephrata, becoming a steadfast lifelong follower of Beissel, "enamored of his angelic life."

Another who found delight in the presence of Beissel and in the work of the four hermits at Muhlbach, was Michael Wohlfarth (Welfare), a Pietist from Germantown, whose time was given to journeying from place to place, exhorting and preaching to his countrymen. He was then journeying on foot to the valley of Virginia, but "so pleased was (he) Michael Wolfarth with what he saw and heard during his sojourn (in the fall of 1722) on the Muhlbach that he asked Beissel's permission to join his band upon his return from the South."

Beissel began to develop certain peculiar tenents, after his Labadist visit. He had had intercourse also with Sabbatarians in Chester county, and Providence and Newtown. Soon he "commenced to question which day was the true Sabbath according to the Scriptures." He became "wholly intent upon seeking out the trite obligations of the Word of God and the proper observance of the rites and ceremonies it imposes, stripped of human authority, and ere long his research brought to him the clear conviction "that there was error among the brethren in the observance of the day for the Sabbath." Sachse writes:

It was not long before he made the announcement, publicly, that as the Seventh Day was the command of the Lord God, and that that day was established and sanctified by the great Jehovah forever, no change ever having been announced to man by any power sufficient to set aside the solemn decree of the Almighty, he felt it to be his duty to contend for the observavance of that day. Hence he intended to observe the Scriptural Sabbath, and work and labor upon the remaining six days, as commanded by Divine Writ. This departure caused the first disagreement between the four enthusiasts; they however finally acquiesced, and the Sabbth was now kept in the hut on the Muhlbach.

Their righteous aims and especially their views as to the Sabbath naturally aroused much discussion among the settlers in the Conestoga Valley; and an "awakening" began among the Mennonites. Beissel had an attractive personality and manner, and "soon became a power among the Separatists and Mennonites * * * * * of the Conestoga and Pequea" valleys. An old manuscript states that: "Almost every one judged themselves fortunate when received by him with favor and admitted to his friendship; and all strove for his company, hoping thereby to attain the Divine virtues. He proved a marvel to almost every one, and thus it was that the awakened in the Conestoga valley became so heartily enamoured of Conrad Beisset and placed unbounded faith in him.

First Dunker Congregation in America-The hermit's efforts, and the quickening of the religious spirit among the Germans of the Conestoga country, had its effect upon those in Germantown; it quickened Peter Becker and other Dunkers into activity. In pursuance of Beissel's counsel, "in ihe fall of 1722, Peter Becker, accompanied by Johannes Gumre, George Balser Gansz, and one of the Traut brothers * * * made a pilgrimage through the Province to look up former brethren who were now dispersed through the country, and remove, if possible, all stumbling blocks in the way of again uniting them * * *" "The journey of these missionaries extended through the Skippack and Perkiomen valleys to Falkner's Swamp and Oley, thence across the Schuylkill to the Conestoga Valley, and returned by wav of Coventry and the settlements along the French creek. This series of meetings was continued after their return to Germantown, being first held alternately in the homes of Becker at Germantown and Gumre on the Ridge, but ultimately they were held regularly at Peter Becker's. From these weekly services, begun in the fall of 1722, dates the history of the Dunker denomination, or Church of the Brethren, in America," states Sachse. The meetings were continued "until the advance of winter prevented them." The important developments during the next year, 1723, as recorded in the "Chronicon Ephratense," were:

In August of the year 1723 a rumor was spread through the country that Christ. Libe, a famous Baptist teacher who had long been in the galleys, had arrived in Philadelphia. This moved some newly awakened persons on the Schuylkill to go forth to meet him. The whole thing, however, was a fiction. These persons were persuaded by the Baptists to go with them to their meeting, during and after which they heard so much of the Germans' awakening, that they went home very much edified. Soon after, a second visit was made to Germantown, by which both parties were so much edified that the Germantown Baptists promised a visit in return, which they also made four weeks afterwards with great blessing. These newly awakened ones were thereby stirred up still more in their love, so that at last they threw them- selves at the feet of the Germantown Baptists, and begged to be received into their com- munion by holy baptism. This was the occasion of important proceedings among the Baptists in Germantown; for they still had in mind the misunderstandings which had arisen between them and their brethren at Creyfeld. Besides they were indeed a branch of a congregation, but not yet a congregation that dared to presume to administer the sacraments. The worst was that they were divided among themselves, and had only lately comnienced to draw nigh to one another again. After they had seriously pondered over all these things in the spirit, they finally agreed to consent to the request. Accordingly, after the candidates for baptism had chosen Peter Becker to be their Baptizer, they were baptized in the stream Wiskohikung (Wissahickon), near Germantown, on December 25th, of the year 1723. And as these were the firstlings of all baptized, from among the high-Germans in America, their names shall here be recorded and given to posterity, namely: Martin Urner and his female house-mate, his wife, Catherina), Henry Londes and his house-mate (Heinrich Landes and his wife), Frederick Lang, and Jan Mayle. The evening following they held the first Love-feast ever celebrated in America, at John Gomorry's (Gumre's), which created a great stir among the people of that neighborhood; Peter Becker,* * * * * ministered at the same.

At this, the first baptism by immersion held in America, "it was found that there were present seventeen persons who had been baptized in Europe. 398 They were: Peter Becker, Johann Heinrich Traut, Jeremias Traut, Balser Traut, Heinrich Holzappel, Johannes Gumre, Stephan Koch, Jacob Koch, Johannes Hildebrand, Daniel Ritter, George Balser Gansz, Johannes Preisz, Johannes Kampfer, Magdalena Traut, Anna Gumre, Maria Hildebrand, and Johanna Gansz. These seventeen persons constituted the first Dunker congregation formed in America. They chose Peter Becker as their elder. To them were added ere that memorable Christmas Day ended the six persons baptized in the Wissahickon. Of the baptismal ceremony, Sachse writes:

Clear above the sound of the rushing waters and the rustle of leafless branches rose the solemn German invocation and the singing of the baptismal hymn composed by Alexander Mack, Ueberschiag die Kost, Spright Jesu Christ, wann du den Grund wilt legen. Numerous as had been the mystic rites and occult incantations held on the rugged ravine and valley of this stream since the gentle Kelpius and his band settled there thirty years before, none were more fervent or brought so great and lasting results as this solemn rite upon the narrow strip of rock-bound land on the shore of the Wissahickon. There stood the administrator deep in the cold water. Before him knelt the rugged Alsatian. Thrice was he inunersed under the icy flood. As he arose the last time the Segenspruch was pronounced, and Martin Urner once more entered the material world to become a factor in the religious development of his adopted country. His wife, Catherina Reist, was the next candidate, followed by the other four persons, the same scenes being repeated in each case.

On the same evening the love-feast was held, the rite of foot-washing was observed, there was breaking of bread, and with the participation by the twenty-three persons in the Holy Communion Service the organization of the first "Congregation of the Brethren in America" was perfected. It may here be stated that the romantic spot on the Wissahickon where the first baptism was held is still in "almost the same primitive condition as it was upon that memorable Christmas Day in 1723."

Conestoga Congregation Organized-But we must now leave the general affairs of the Dunker church, and deal only with that part of it with which Beissel was concerned. And there are some important personal happenings to Beissel which must now be taken up. Beissel was so impracticable in his mode of life that ere long his actions became intolerable to his companions. When they "had the means of sustenance," Beissel's conscience would give him no rest "until he had sent an offering to the hermits on the Ridge." When it was "his duty to provide for the table," there was cause for complaint; and his companions could find no satisfaction in his excuse, "that they had not come there to fatten the old Adam." First, Steiffel declared "he could not live that way," and departed. Isaac von Bebern next took leave of Beissel, "with much love"; and finally Stuntz departed. Beissel grieved that his "earliest fellow-warriors" should "for the belly's sake" forsake "the narrow way of the cross." But he then had to face and solve in a practical manner, and urgently, an embarrassing problem. The hut in which they had lived had been sold by Stuntz, in whose debt Beissel still was, for sea-passage expense. So that Beissel also had to depart. He left, resolving "never again to borrow from men on God's account." With his axe upon his shoulder, and his books and papers in his knapsack, he journeyed a mile further into the heart of the woods and settled "at a place called the Swedes' Spring, not knowing what God had further ordained for him," building with his own hands, in the summer of 1723, a small log cabin. A spring by the name stated is not shown on early records, maps or conveyances, but "all indications point to the fine spring upon the farm by Elam H. Denlinger," writes Sachse, adding: "This was originally known as the Evans' tract, and in later years as the Whitehill property. It is located in East Lampeter township, south of the Philadelphia and Lancaster turnpike, and is about equal distance between the Muhlbach and the Pequea. The spring is the source of a run which empties into the Mill Creek." There, it would seem, Beissel must have passed the winter of 1723 Alone, his solitude broken only by occasional visits by some of the recluses on the Wissahickon. Sachse states that Beissel's solitary condition was of short duration, as "almost immediately upon the completion of the cabin he was joined by Michael Wohlfarth, who had just returned from North Carolina"; also that early in the following year, (1724), "an erratic visionary, Johannes Stumpf" stayed with them. The "Chronicon Ephratense," however, gives the year of the return of Michael Welfare from Carolina at 1724; and a few lines below records that "the next year * * * there joined them J. S., a restless spirit, with unsettled mind, who caused them much trouble." Solitude, however, was what Beissel longed for most. It gave him "the desired opportunity to order his life according to his conscience, for then he was not yet overcrowded with men, who delight to empty the lamp of the solitary." He practiced such moderation and abstinence at that time that "he must be reckoned along with the most approved fathers of the Egyptian wilderness," writes Brother Agrippa. "And in this solitary state he attained to a blessedness in his communion with God which neither the world nor time can ever outweigh."

However, we near the time when "God obliged him to again renounce this seraphic life and to enter into a communion with others." It was revealed to him that "the life of a hermit is only something granted for a time, since no solitary person can be fruitful." He had, in fact, been seeking his own pleasure in solitude, and so had not yet renounced himself, which he must do, for the Glory of God. His was a definite mission; he must "bear fruit to the glory of God." He must go out into the world, and battle with Satan's hosts at the head of God's army. He must extend God's kingdom. With that realization, it came to him that the first essential armor was bapism; but "he knew neither of a congregation according to his own mind, nor of a man who would have been worthy to baptize him." So he attempted to baptize himself, in the waters of Mill Creek. But his conscience was not satisfied, "nor was the transaction valid," writes Brother Agrippa, "since there were no witness present."

He had reached that state of mind at about the time, in 1724, when Peter Becker and others of the Germantown Dunker congregation came into the Conestoga Valley for the purpose of organizing a congregation in that settlement. Peter Becker had been so much encouraged by the events of 1723 and by the fervour manifested in his Germantown meetings during the spring and summer of 1724, that he had resolved to make an autumn tour of the settlements in which former brethren were. Hence, on October 23, 1724, a party headed by Peter Becker had set out from Germantown. Seven were mounted and seven walked. The first stop was in the Skippach Valley, where some Germans had settled. There meetings were held with some success. The next halt was at Falkner's Swamp, where revival services were held, closing "with a Liebesmahl in the evening, followed by the breaking of bread." This was repeated at Oley, in Berks county. Turning southward, the party crossed the Schuylkill, going direct to the house of Martin Urner, in Coventry, Chester county. There two persons were baptized and a congregation formed, the nine constituent members having Martin Urner at their head as teacher.

From Coventry the revivalists journey towards the Conestoga country, the party dividing at Urner's house, the mounted men keeping to the road, and passing the night of November 9th at the house of Jacob Weber, near Weberstown (Weaverstown), in Leacock township, and those on foot taking a shorter route over the Welsh mountains, and staying with Hans Graff, pioneer settler in Earl township. The next day horse and foot reunited at the house of Hans Rudolph Nagele, a "Mennonite preacher in that region." On that day Peter Becker, Heinrich Traut and others called on Beissel at Swedes' Spring. They sought his aid in their work, and found him ready to give it. They lodged with Stephen Galliond that night, and the next day journey towards the valley of the Pequea, "to bring about an awakening of the Mennonites." They stayed at the house of Heinrich Hohn. On the fol- lowing day, November 12th, a meeting was held in that house and "extraordinary revival powers were manifested." Beissel was present, and at the close of the meeting five persons applied for baptism. They were, according to the "Chronicon Ephratense": "the aforementioned Hohn, his house- mate (wife), John Maver and his house-mate (wife), and Joseph Shafer, who were at once baptized in Apostolic-wise, by Peter Becker, in the Pequea stream." Ere all were baptized, a sixth stepped forward, Veronica, the wife of Isaac Friedrichs, the miller. While she was being baptized, strong influences were at work within Beissel himself. He did not deem the calling of these people "important enough for him"; and he "feared that if he associated with them, he might lose all the good that he had reached through so much pain." But suddenly "his heart was enlightened by a bright ray from the Gospel, in whose light the whole purpose of God was revealed to him, namely, that Christ also had permitted himself to be baptized by one who was less than himself." Therefore the hermit of the Conestoga "humbled himself, under the ordinance of God, and became a child of the new covenant." As Veronica Friedrichs was led up the slippery bank, Beissel, "came down from his spiritual pride," humbly entered the freezing water, knelt before Peter Becker, and was immersed thrice, face forward, under the cold flood. Brother Agrippa writes: "It was thus that Wisdom brought him into her net; he received the seed of his heavenly virginity at his first awakening; but now a field was prepared for him in America into which he might sow his seed again."

Great was the rejoicing among the evangelists from Germantown. But they did not then know what perplexities were before them through this reentry of Beissel into the world. They looked upon him as the logical leader of their people in that region. Alast they did not foresee what difficulties would arise through his peculiarities. Sachse wsites: "If we except the immersion in the Wissahickon on the previous Christmas Day, this baptism in the Pequea was the most noteworthy one in the history of the sect-people of Pennsylvania. While the former one laid the foundation of the German Baptist Brethren church in America, the immersion of Beissel virtually created the first schism within that fold, from which may be traced the begin- nings of the German Seventh-day Baptists in the Province." The memorable day was closed with a Liebesmaht at the home of Heinrich Hohn. On the following day, the party went to Isaac Friedrich's house on Mill creek; and there disagreement sprang up among them, some wishing to return at once to Germantown, but others being determined to continue the revival work. Peter Becker carried the majority with him, in insisting on another meeting being held-at the home of Sigmund Landert on the coming Sunday. It was duly held, but, states the "Chronicon Ephratense":

This meeting was not at all like the previous ones in power and spirit.* * * * * First of all the women began a quarrel; and then Simon Konig, Michael Wolfahrt, and others, joined together to assail the Baptists on account of their controversies across the sea. Simon Konig made the attack, but, as he acted very injudiciously, the rest were ashamed of him and left him in the lurch. Consequently, the meeting passed over fruitlessly, as did also the baptism, of Sigmund Iandert and his wife, which followed; for they baptized them in such unclean water that they ought to have had a washing afterwards. It appears that the small dam, in a tributary of Mill Creek, used as a baptistry "was shallow, stagnant and muddy."

The pilgrims "betook themselves upon their homeward journey," after the kiss of peace and charity had been given and passed, and after Peter Becker had recommended the members of the little Conestoga congregation "to arrange their affairs among themselves, according to their daily circumstances and ability." Possibly, he then thought that a stormy future was before the congregation. At all events the infant society did not like being thus left to their own resources. Beissel, it seems, regretted it also, for many years later he remarked to Becker, who was then on his deathbed: "What a pity it is that there were no wise men among you when the awakening in Conestoga commenced; how we could now live under your shelter!" And Becker once admitted that he was uneasy on the journey from Conestoga, fearing that Beissel's Sabbatarian practice would in time rule the congregation. They even thought it might be wise to send a brother from Germantown, as teacher, and eventually "proposed one Kemper, as being both edifying and having the gift of prayer."

The Conestoga congregation however, had lost no time in arranging its own affairs; and although not immediately appointed minister, Beissel was at its head from the outset. Twelve persons, six brothers and six sisters, constituted the original Conestoga church, or Gemeinde. Thev were: Brothers Conrad Beissel, Joseph Schaffer, Johannes Meyer, Heinrich Hohn, Sigmund Landert and Jonadab; Sisters Migtonia, Christiana, Veronica, Maria, Elizabeth and Franzina. Beisset was acknowledged by common consent as the leader of the new congregation and presided at regular meetings. At a meeting held during the month of December at Sigmund Landert's, the "advisability of obtaining a regular teacher" was discussed. Then Hans Mayer arose, and pointing to Conrad Beissel, "solemnly proclaimed him to be the man-elect, chosen by God, to be their leader." All were of that opinion, and Beissel therefore accepted the trust, agreeing to be "the teacher of the new Dunkers on the Conestoga." He felt himself specially ordained, as was Elijah, John the Baptist, and others, "to come to the help of a church fallen asunder." Diffenderfer, in his review of Dr. Brumbaugh's "History of the German Baptist Brethren in Europe and America," refers to this first Conestoga congregation thus:

The Conestoga congregation is full of interest for our readers. It was organized November 12,1724, by Elder Peter Becker. Conrad Beissel was chosen minister. The first meetings were held on Mill Creek, in Lampeter township, but from thence they were removed to the house of Rudolph Nagle, in Earl township, where the services were held for seven years. It was while he lived with and ministered to this congregation that Beissel began to develop his peculiar religious views.

Beissel certainly was original in his method of teaching, and especially so at this time, it seems, for "as soon as he assumed the office a large measure of the Spirit rested upon him." His views and his manner of preaching were so unusual that "as soon as he began to hold meetings, contention arose against him throughout the whole land, which has not ceased,"Even after his death," wrote the Prior of the Ephrata Cloister, in 1786. Many; of his friends "declared that he had gone out of his mind." His sermons, or rather utterances, were quite spontaneous, not the result of reflection and study. In fact he made no use of the Bible in his early preaching, fearing that his testimony received directly from the Spirit, might be "weakened by written knowledge.'! He would not be confined even within "the meshes of reason," one discourse being often directly contradictory to a former one. His manner of delivery also was peculiar. He would begin his discourse "with closed eyes, before a large crowd of hearers; and when he opened his eyes again the most of them were gone." Obviously they were uneasy under his words; according to the Ephrata chronicler, they were not able "to endure the Spirit's keenness." And during the next year, in which Beissel's own convictions as to the Sabbath and other questions, came more and more into his spoken testimony- unconsciously perhaps, for he had declared that he had received no command to preach it to others, but only to observe the seventh day as the Sabbath himself-the unrest was even greater. Many followed him in a faithful observance of Saturday as the Sabbath. Judaism, indeed, crept into the practices of some of the more devout, who thought that Holy Writ should be followed fully, if at all. Two of the "burdensome" judaizing brethren accompanied Beissel on a visit to the other Baptist congregations early in 1725 and offended their hosts by refusing to eat pork, or in fact to partake of anything cooked in vessels that had formerly held unclean foods. Even geese, came under the ban. Religious fanaticism among the German settlers had indeed, so far dethroned reason at that time that some went even so far as to circumcise each other, "and blaspheme against Paul because he did away with that rite." Beissel, hearing of two cases, condemned the "folly," and counselled them to desist from their blasphemy, lest they lose "even the grace and promises of the new Covenant."

In May, 1725, a meeting of the Conestoga congregation was held at tht house of John Landes, and then Beissel for the first time officiated as baptizer. Seven were immersed, among them Michael Wohlfahrt and Rudolpl Naegle. Immediately thereafter, these two enthusiasts started on a proselyting tour through Oley and the country north of the Schuylkill. "Some few were awakened."

Beissel's ministerial work grew with the increase in congregation, and soot it became necessary for him to sacrifice altogether to God his "beloved solitude" in the wilderness, and move closer to his neighbors-for their good. A cabin had been erected for him on the land of Rudolph Naegle, and reluctantly Beissel vacated his former cabin, leaving it in charge of Stumpf. "Others soon joined themselves to him," and in a few months the land in the vicinity of Naegle's house was dotted with small log-cabins. "One could see in their little houses an edifying picture of the huts of the holy fathers in the Egyptian wilderness." Naegle and Wohlfahrt became Beissel's evan- gelists, and "in this region wonderful influences came down upon him from eternity."

Troubles were also coming upon Beissel, however. The vital question of the Sabbath came more and more prominently into the discussions at church meetings, which were still held in the homes of the members. Beissel and Wohlfahrt were strengthened in their belief by intercourse with Sabbath-keepers at French Creek in Nantmill township. There, English and Welsh Sabbath-keepers formerly of Newtown, Providence, Easttown and Tredyffryn townships of Chester county, had, "on account of persecutions from their more orthodox neighbors," gathered and formed a settlement and congrega- tion. The movement was entirely independent of Beissel's; in fact, was an earlier one, but in later years many of the English Sabbatarians entered the Ephrata monastery. Abet Noble, called the Apostle of Sabbatarianism in Pennsylvania, also visited Beissel and Wohlfarth. However, 1725 passed without intolerable friction in the Conestoga congregation.

The year 1726 was an irhportant and troublesome one in the affairs of the Conestoga church. Beissel's mystical and theosophical tendencies were beginning to influence many people. The settlement grew, and "many free souls of both sexes began to strive for the knightly crown." Beissel looked with intolerance on the marital state, and propounded some theories so drastic that he was accused of heresy, and called "a forbidder of wedlock." Nevertheless, he had many enthusiastic followers. They gathered around him, resolved to live celibate and continent lives, wooing only the celestial.

The "Chronicon Ephratense" opens a review of this year in this way: "Now however, the time drew nigh when God remembered Rachel in her long barrenness* * * For it was resolved in the Council of the Watchers that in the sixth period, as being the Philadelphian church-season, a virgin should be made ready as the bride of the High Priest, and for this Pennsylvania was specially chosen. And now the Spirit awakened many free souls of both sexes, who began to strive for the knightly crown." Continuing the record, the chronicler sets down calmly a situation which would be deemed embarrassing by men of worldly thought. He writes: "Among the female sex the first were two natural sisters, A. and M. E. They fled from their father's house in the year 1726, and put themselves under the Superintendent's (Beissel's) guidance, which caused much remark in the country, especially since he had to be with them very much. The congregation built them a house on Mill creek, in which they lived four years." These sisters were Anna and Maria Eicher, daughters of Daniel Eicher, who belonged to the Dunker church in the Schuylkill. They were the first females to enter upon a solitary life in the Conestoga country, and were it appears, placed in the care of Brother Lamech.

Whether this was the main reason for the visit made to the settlement by Daniel Eicher and Heinrich Landes from the Schuylkill at Eastertide of 1726, can only be conjectured. But the Ephrata chronicle shows the following, immediately after the above-quoted entry: "In the same year, at Easter, R. N. (Rudolph Naegle) held a love-feast, at which two Brethren from the Schuylkill, H. L. and D. E., were present, and at which a controversy arose between H. L. and the Superintendent (Beissel)." The controversy related to original sin, it seems, Beissel being of opinion that salvation was only open to adults; that children died in sin," and must be purged from their inherited sin by means of a kind of purgatory." It appeared to Beissel the purpose of the interrogators was, "to elevate the natural married state into an holy estate, in order thus to give the right to salvation to children." But because Beissel "recognized the advantage flesh and blood sought over these people, his opposition caused him to be caused a forbidder of wedlock." Landes and Eicher, offended and grieved, went back to their farms, "and did not hold to the congregation any more." Landes soon afterwards "in his offended mood passed into eternity." He was evidently distressed beyond endurance by the minister's interpretation. Once, in his grief, he took up his child in his arms, kissed it, and said: "0, thou poor child! art thou to be damned if thou wert now to die? That would be a horrible thing, since thou hast not yet sinned."

Despite rumors that had quickly spread regarding Beissel's personal and religious beliefs, he was still recognized as the leading Dunker Baptist in the region, and was asked to officiate at a love-feast held at Martin Urner's house on the Schuylkill, at Whitsuntide, members of his own congregation also attending. The gathering of the congregations evidently was arranged not only for devotional purposes. Views as to Beissel and his ways were exchanged; and, one would infer from the record, his right to continue as minister was challenged. But at that festival Beissel manifested "quite extraordinary powers of eternity," and a Pentecostal blessing descended upon the people at the first meeting. Eleven "awakened" persons were baptized by Beissel, in the Schuylkill. By this demonstration of his power as an evangelist many of the Schuylkill congregation were "confounded." They had heard that he was "a seducer and a destroyer of wedlock," but they were compelled to admire his extraordinary power as a preacher. "They their heads together, and took counsel; but knew not what judgment to form." Though other evidence shows that when they first gathered, they were hostile to Beissel.

The "Chronicon Ephratense" states - "On the first day of the festival everybody in the meeting was as though drunken with wine, and it was noticed that several, who had engaged in prayer, soon after married, and so dragged the gifts of the Spirit into the flesh." But Beissel had been tacful; he "bore himself as calmly in the matter as if it did not concern him at all for he had already learned enough in the school of the Spirit to treat the good without any self-assumption, which is the worst of sins," states the record. He gave himself up to the Spirit, delivered the inspired mesage, with the Pentacostal result above-noted.

At the close of the love-feast of that night, it was resolved to hold another meeting on the morrow; and at that meeting Beissel again manifested such evangelizing power that he "finally threw the good Baptists into the greatest amazement." But this only increased the perplexity and suspicion of some. His power was so extraordinary that "many thought he must be a sorcerer." Some of the Schuylkill brethren, remembering the sisters Eicher over whom Beissel exercised such holy influence, "were in fear lest their wives might be seduced" from worldly wedlock, to live solitary lives in spiritual con- tinence, in the wilderness. Martin Urner, who is described in the Ephrata chronicle as "one otherwise upright brother," was so disturbed by the thought that he embraced his wife, and exclaimed: "0, my dear wifel I pray you for God's sake do not leave me I" "Such is the effect when God reaches forth into the church of Adam," comments the chronicle.

By this time the reader will have realized what a disturbing factor Beissel must have been among the somewhat superstitious settlers in the Conestoga country. The wonder is that he was able to hold his pastorate for so long, his own habits desires and beliefs being so contrary to those of the greater number of his congregation. It is a fact that his congregation continued to grow, but possibly despite his efforts. The flood of emigration was swelling, and many of the Germans who came into the Conestoga Valley were of the persecuted sects of Germany. Among the accessions to Beissel's congregation in 1726, were Johannes Hildebrand, Simon Konig and Christopher Sauer. Simon Konig was "one of Beisset's companions across the ocean," and in 1726 had Soo acres of land adjoining that of Hans Graff surveyed for himself and two friends, one of whom was Hildebrand. The latter was a man of more than ordinary education, and had been "somewhat of a leader among the Baptists in Germantown." Possibly he had a particular ministerial purpose in coming. At all events, he "forthwith assumed an active part in the direction of the Conestoga congregation"; and in later years bitterly opposed Beissel at Ephrata. Christopher Sauer, a German tailor, had been in Pennsylvania for a couple of years, but, not having been able to make a living at his trade in Germantown, had bought fifty acres of land from Konig and had "resigned himself to agricultural pursuits." However, he was destined soon to go back to Philadelphia, there to become a clocktnaker, and later a printer, "the first German printer in America," and the first to succeed as a publisher of a German newspaper in America, his intercourse with Conrad Beissel in the Conestoga Valley being the influencing factor in Sauer's change of occupation and ultimate success, it has been stated. Alas! his life was destined to be saddened also by Beissel. Sauer's wife, Maria Christina, was, it is believed, baptized by Beissel in 1726, and eventually she became so much imbued with his spiritual aims and religious beliefs, that she left her husband and entered the Ephrata sisterhood.

Hildebrand became a leading member of the Conestoga congregation very soon. Revival services were held in his home during theauturnn and winter Of 1726, culminating in a love-feast on Christmas Day. A baptismal ceremony was conducted by Beissel in the afternoon, six persons being immersed. Notable among them, so far as this narrative is concerned, were the sisters Anna and Maria Eicher.

Beissel Heads Schism From Dunker Church-During 1727 there was a struggle for leadership. Peter Becker visited the Conestoga settlement in August, 1727, and listened to a sermon by Beissel, in which the latter bemoaned the "unrighteousness of Christians who kept persons in servitude." This it was thought was aimed at Becker, who bad forced Beissel "to indemnify him for some unexpired time before he would cancel the indenture," in 1721. Becker was so affected that he became sick and was taken to Hildebrand's house. This widened the.breach between the Germantown and Conestoga congregations; and the schism in the latter church. soon became an undeniable cleavage Beissel heading those who kept Saturday as the Sa bbath, and Hildebrand those who preferred to worship "on the Lord's Day Sunday." Beissel's followers, who came to be designated as Beisselianer were more numerous than Hildebrand's; and the Sabbatarians lost no time in sending missionaries to the other settlements to preach the doctrine of the Sabbath. One mission, under Michael Wohifahrt, was very successful in the Falkner Swamp-Oley region during the winter of 1727-28, Beissel being sent for to baptize converts. The baptism took place on March 8, 1728, eleven being immersed, and forming the new congregation, with Andraes Frey as elder.

For a time it seemed that the influence of the Germantown congregation, the mother-church of the Dunker sect in America, was rapidly being undermined in Conestoga and elsewhere. Elder Becker quickly sent warning to "these newly-awakened ones" in Falkner's Swamp, and "tried to blind the eyes of these," telling them "of how they loved the Brethren in Conestoga, until they at last stole their hearts and put their minds into such confusion, that they no longer knew whether they should love or hate the Conestoga Brethren." Beissel sent a letter "of stern rebuke" to Germantown, which letter was sent on by Becker to the Falkner's Swamp congregation, in the hope that they would deem it "an insult," and "condemn its author." The outcome was that the Germantown and Conestoga congregations were asked to appear before William Frey, of the infant congregation, "for trial and judgment." This suggested investigation much incensed Beissel, who was astonished "at their daring in presuming to invite the congregation at Conestoga to such a mock-proceeding." The matter was not at once decided, but eventually the Germantown faction gained the upper hand in Oley-at least temporarily.

The final division of the Conestoga congregation was not now far Beisset was a man of strong convictions, and his fundamental doctrines " so rapidly di ,iferent to those of the mother-church that separation was ine able. Also he seemed to feel that all should bow to him. Diffenderfer thoti Beisset "was a strange man, endowed with a spirit that brooked no riv Sachse writes:

The closing month of the year 1728 were turbulent ones for the Brethren in the Conestoga valley. Johannes Hildebrand and his followers, Hans Landes, Heinrich Hohn, Daniel Eicher, Hans Rolande and Luis, encouraged by Elder Becker, became quite aggressive in their opposition to the Beissel party, who kept the Seventh-day. This animosity tended to widein the breach between the parent congregation and its daughter until, within a few months, it ended in a complete rupture.

Beissel made final action imperative, bv "witnessing against the old Adam, and his many false sanctuaries." He put forward his Sabbatarian and celibate principles so forcefully that "these Separatists, like men sick with the plague, finally banded together, and set up a meeting of their own." The division was effected in this way, states Diffenderfer: The members met in a barn. A rail was then placed in the centre of the barn floor. Those who wished to join in organizing a new congregation were asked to step to the right side, and those who desired to follow Beissel were asked to go to the left of the rail.

Thus the division was effected in comparative peace. But Peter Becker and the Germantown Baptists were sorely grieved, and "now reproached Beis- sel for his ingratitude toward them, as it was at their hands that he had received baptism." The perplexity increased Beissel's vehemence, for he realized that his predicament was serious. Could he rightly set up a separate church on qualifications he had gained from another church? The problem worried him. He was then composing hymns, and was disturbed in the work because "they (the German town Baptists) came in the way of that Spirit under whose dominion he stood." Finally he resolved to break their "power of opposition" by giving back to "these people their baptism again." This perturbed his own followers, and they became more uneasy as to their standing with God when Beissel took it upon himself to rebaptize one of their number, Jan Meyle, so that the latter might in turn rebaptize him, and so open the way for Beissel to bring others into the new church through baptism. This renunciation of the Becker baptism by Beissel was carried through in December, 1728, "evidently in the Muhlbach or the Conestoga." Three brothers and four sisters were chosen for the ceremony, the number corres- ponding with the Sabbatical number, and agreeing with Rosicrucian teachings, the number seven representing the union of the square and the triad, and being considered the Divine number. Mysticism was present in most of Beissel's actions. The number seven and the two sexes agreeing therefore with his idea of fundamentals, Beissel entered the water confidently, with Jan Meyle (who became Brother Amos). "Special hymns were sung, and after an invocation, in which both men renounced their former baptism, Meyle immersed Beissel thrice backwards, and immediately afterwards repeated the operation thrice forwards, thus baptizing the candidate. Beissel then repeated the same ceremony upon Meyle and the others in turn."

To show to what extremes those early settlers in Lancaster county are prepared to go to satisfy their religious scruples, an incident which occurred in the same winter month of 1728 might be cited. Beissel was at prayer one night, "deeply moved on behalf of the entire Christian church," when someone knocked at his door. He was asked to go in haste to the house of a neighbor, Peter Beller, whose daughter was "about breathing her last," but desired to be baptized. Beissel wished to baptize her in flowing water, but "bowed to the wishes of the parents" by agreeing to use a scalding-tub, "such as is used upon a farm in butchering swine." It was rolled into the room and filled with cold water. The girl was lifted from her bed, and knelt in the cold water. "Thrice were buckets full of water thrown over her head, as she could not be entirely immersed in the tub." After her baptism the girl asked that a religious service be held in her room on the following Sabbath. It was; "and the young girl was present, but in her coffin."

Beissel does not seem to have been criticized; in fact, the parents of the deceased girl were so deeply moved that they both asked to be baptized. Nevertheless, the war of the churches was on, and severvl of Beissel's acts, which were, he was sure, directed by the Spirit, were more harmful to his cause than to that of the opposition. Some of his congregation "halted between two opinions, and secretly held to the Baptists." Still there were some so overwhelmingly imbued with the righteousness of Beissel's cause, that they went forth as messengers of the Lord God, carrying to opposing factions communications received direct from the Spirit. Michael Wolfahrt descended upon Germantown, burst into a meeting of the Dunkers, and thus spoke unto them: "Men and Brethren, thus saith the Lord. Ye have gone mad.; this is a city that is destroyed. And unto you, Peter Becker, the Lord saith, why dost thou declare my rights," and so forth. Another prophet, Brother Joel, went to a meeting of the Hildebrand faction, in Conestoga, and announced. "To you, Johannes Hildebrand, I have a word from the Lord to say. Thus saith the Lord: 'Thou shalt no longer go forth and preach to others, but first thou and thy house must be converted * * * If thou heed not this warning voice, the judgment of the Lord shall come upon thee because thou hast not done according to his words."

Beissel also became the medium, the mouthpiece, of like divine massages of prophetic warning, his testimonies having such effect that they were "carefully written out," as though "the Holy Spirit had dictated it." However, one of his most faithful followers, Brother Amos in fact, doubted the divine origin of the messages, deemed them idolatrous, gained possession of the transcripts "by craft, and burned them, "saying he would try whether they could endure the fire test." The messages were scathing denunciations of those bodies that opposed Beissel; one was a merciless exposure, in open meeting, of the private life of one Henry Hohn, who was present.

It cannot be believed that Beissel gained much by such tactics. kindly-disposed persons among his enemies would perhaps attribute these out- bursts to the pain of an overwrought mind, but there must have been many more who saw in them a narrowness of mind, a meanness of disposition, and a scurrilous inclination.

On the other hand, some of Beisset's literary efforts of that time undoubtedly furthered his cause. In 1728 he published his book on the Sabbath, an octavo printed in German, with Roman type, by the pioneer printer Andrew Bradford, in Philadelphia. It "caused a great sensation among the Germans in the rural districts"; and the publication was followed by an English edition in 1729, "translated out of the High-Dutch, by M. W." (Michael Wolfahrt). The title-page reads as follows:

Mystyrion Anornias I the I Mystery of Lawlessness: I or, I Lawless ANTICHRIST I discovered and Disclos'd, I Shewing that all those do belong to that I Lawless AntiChrist, who wilfully reject I the Commandments of God, amongst I which, is his holy, and by himself blessed I Seventh-Day-Sabbath, or his holy Rest, I of which, the same is a Type.I For thus saith the Lord, Exod. xx. ver. 10. I The Seventh Day is the Sabbath of the I Lord thy GodI Written to the Honour of the Great God I and his Holy Commands.I By Cunrad Beysell.1 Translated out of the High-Dutch, by M. W.I Printed in the Year 1729.

The original edition and the translation had wide circulations, and brought such disturbance in civil affairs that the'colonial government was forced to intervene. One record states that the books were "so effective that the congregations now publickly adopted the Sabbath as the day for divine services;" and in consequence worked on the next day, Sunday, which was the official day of rest in the province.

Lancaster county was erected in 1729, and one of the first and perplexing duties of the new county officials was to begin "what might be called a crusade against the Sabbath-keepers" who violated "the law of the land" by not observing Sunday. There was much commotion, the "mob" perpetrated Is many excesses against them," some of the Solitary were imprisoned, and the houses of the householders were sold to pay the fines imposed. But little could be done with them. One brother told the justice to lay aside his English law-book, "as he was subject to a higher, namely God's law-book." The justice offered to make him a present of the fine, if he would not work on Sunday in future. The Brother replied that he "would not cease to work on Sunday, and, besides, that he could not make him a present, since he did not owe him anything * * * ; to which the justice said nothing further."

Some of the brethren sought Beissel's prayers, when cited to appear before the authorities; and were so reassured by Beissel's words, "that God had given the heart of the authorities into his hand, and he had turned it as he pleased," that many willingly paid their fines. The outcome "of such Christian dis- cretion" was that the authorities "relaxed their strictness," and overlooked the offences, their High Priest ascending one step higher in consequence, it would seem.

The Sabbatists, however, came into the persecuted class by this action, and held more resolutely together in consequence. Michael Wolfahrt published a pamphlet soon afterwards. It was entitled "The Naked Truth," or the "Lord's Seventh-Day-Sabbath" and in spirit it confounded and defied the provincial authorities. Wohfarth, Beissel, "and another brother (Abel Noble, the English Sabbatist) carried their cause to the seat of the government. They "made a pilgrimage afoot, staff in hand, to Philadelphia," and the three "addressed the populace from the court house steps * * * joining in giving their testimony as to the truth of the Sabbatarian doctrine, and at the same time calling upon them to repent and change their ways ere it would be too late.

It was on this occasion that the evangelists got to know "the young printer, Benjamin Franklin." Beissel "at once surmised that Franklin would be of great service to him," Bradford and Keimer having failed to satisfy him as printers. "Strange as it may appear, it is an undeniable fact that the German mystic and enthusiast, Conrad Beissel, was among the earliest, if not the first, patrons of the Franklin press." Beissel and Wohlfahrt were not alone in the field of German literature; the opposing religious factions also coming into evidence at that time. Indeed, the printers were able to keep their presses very busy, for awhile.

The first work printed for Beissel by Benjamin Franklin was of theosophical character, his "Book of Mystical Proverbs," which was published in 1730. That it and the second of Beissel's works by Franklin were printed early in 1730, is inferred by the fact that no reference is made to them in Franklin's journal and day-book which he began on July 4,1730, and which is now in the collection of the American Philosophical Society. The "Book of Proverbs" seemed to have been intended as a church text-book, or religious guide. The ninety-nine proverbs were followed by sixty-two poetical compositions, then a "Letter for a Christian," consisting of eighteen rules of self-examination. Next was a two-page prayer, and the concluding section, was headed: "Very serviceable and useful for the followers and scholars of Jesus Christ." The second commission given by Beisset to Franklin was for a hymnbook, a duo-decimo of ninety-six pages, which bears the Franklin imprint of 1730. It contained sixty-two hymns, the original compositions of Beissel and his associates. In these hymns "mystical exultation revels in rhythmic measure," and the words are those "of sensual love, to symbolize religious ecstasy."

To Conrad Beissel, "the Rosicrucian recluse in the wilds of the Conestoga," belongs the honor of being the author of the first book of German poetry written and published in America. (The earlier Kelpius hymns remained in manuscript at that time, it is asserted). Certainly a large part of Beissel's time in those first years, as head of a church, were given to literary work. And the incentive to much of it came through the opposition he encountered.

Beissel's Book on Matrimony, his "Ehebuchlin," advocating celibacy and declaring "matrimony to be the penitentiary of carnal man," appeared in 1730, following a severe attack made on Beisset's moral integrity. He was implicated "with one of his spiritual daughters," one of the sisters Eicher. The elder sister, Anna, was summoned before Samuel Jones, justice, and Beissel was later called by King's warrant. However, a misunderstanding was disclosed, and the justice "thereupon begged pardon of the accused sister and let her go in peace." The resulting pamphlet, "Ehebuchlin," soon had definite effect, undermining the domestic happiness of some who were very near to Beissel. "Two married women of the congregation deserted their husbands and joined the two sisters in their retirement." These matrons were Maria Christina Sauer, wife of Christopher Sauer, and Maria (Weidenbacher) Hanselmann. Both were rebaptized into the congregation during the summer, and eventually entered the sisterhood at Ephrata. Mrs. Sauer was not reunited with her husband until old age came upon them.

Beissel throughout his life in America was a storm-centre, mainly through his own attitude toward the marital state, and his fanatical adherence to ggspiritual virginity." Looking through the pages of the English translation of the "Chronicon Ephratense," one realizes that this problem was the one fraught with the greatest difficulty of all those referred to in the history of the Ephrata institution; there is scarcely a chapter in the whole work above-quoted that does not deal with the circumstances of some embarrassing situation, or perplexing question, or underlying unrest, arising out of the unnatural state Beissel advocated, and held to despite--yes, despite his own best interests. Knowing himself better perhaps than anyone else did, he could ignore the opinions of the worldly. That others should think him to be of licentions inclination did not "change his face." He went ahead according to the dictates of his conscience and the command of the Spirit. Had he heeded the scandalmongering outsiders at that time, he might have tried to dissuade the two matrons from increasing his embarrassments. But he did not; in fact, early in the following year, 1731, other matrons followed the example set by Sauer's wife, deserting their husbands to live lives of continence in Christian retirement. Beissel had to face irate husbands and turbulent church scenes. Twice he almost lost his life. It appears that the wife of the teacher or elder of the Falckner's Swamp congregation "was deeply enamoured of the good things of God, and therefore tarried more at the house of the Superintendent (Beissel) than was agreeable to her husband," who "commanded her to stay at home." She wouldn't; and Beissel "because of his vows to God" had to submit to her presence. Several times her husband took her home by force, and once she was brought by a constable. On one occasion the distraught man "attacked the Superintendent in his little home, as one attacks who means to kill, but God rescued him from his hands." On another occasion he burst into the church meeting, "rushed towards the Superintendent, seized him by the throat, and dragged him as far as the door. He would unquestionably have killed him if the people had not come to the rescue," tied the man's hands behind his back and "chased him home." The man apparently went from bad to worse in his uncontrollable jealousy; he "sank utterly into the realm of darkness, so that the hellish brimstone was kindled within him." But the congregation protected their leader from fur- ther trouble. They ordered the woman to stay at home altogether from that time on, banning her also from church meetings. Beissel offered to forgive the man, who however remained unyielding until his death; and Beissel himself when dying, remembering perhaps this incident, "deplored that he had been the occasion of so many becoming evil men."

Alexander Mack, the founder of the Dunker church, emigrated to America with the remainder of his followers, in 1729, and sought in 1730 to bring Beissel again into church membership, without success, however. Once Alexander Mack, at a meeting with the Conestoga congregation, asked them all to join in prayer, "so that God might reveal unto them which party was guilty of separation." They did so, failing upon their knees, each taking hold of his pilgrim-staff with both hands, and resting his bearded chin upon his wrists. But the mode of prayer was different, the Beisselianer offering their invocation in silence, as was their practice, and Alexander Mack breaking out "in a loud and fervent prayer." As his voice gained volume, he was interrupted by the impetuous Michael Wohifahrt, who shouted: "Cry aloud; shout loader, perhaps your God is asleep." He spoke derisively, but it soon became evident that an impassable gulf divided the two congregations. Further meetings between the leaders in subsequent years did not materially change the fundamental state. Beissel was at the head of one church sect, and his devoted followers would not permit him to surrender his leadership, notwithstanding the almost perpetual turmoil. They recognized that Beissel, "who had before his baptism led an angelic life hidden in God, now by baptism had consecrated himself to the lowly humanity of Jesus Christ," and while they pitied him for having had to "hazard his own painfully attained sanctification, and again to wade into the ocean of humanity, there to fish for men," yet they held him to it.

Many troubles came to the church in 1730 and 1731. Their involvements were many, for some did not realize that they needed to heed any other law or authority in the wilderness, than God's. Such a number of squatters had gathered around Beissel that ere long the civil authorities had to proceed against them. The London Company, which owned the greater part of the Conestoga territory, determined to proceed against the squatters, dispossessing them by force. A hand-bill was distributed throughout the Conestoga Valley early in the summer of 1730, giving notice to those "divers persons" who had settled themselves and their families illegally "on several tracts of land known by the name of the London Company's lands" that they would be required within a month to make good all damage done and desist thereafter from cutting any timber-trees or Underwood; and that, failing compliance, they might "expect to be proceeded against according to a law of this, Province." There were no evictions or legal proceedings, but possibly the condition had some bearing on Beissel's decision about eighteen months later to vacate his house. There is a record that when it was first proposed to Beissel that he and the solitary ones of both sexes should retire, "after the pretext of the holy forefathers" (and) "begin a household in the wilderness," he refused to consider the proposition, stating "that the secular, or congre- gation at large, had a greater claim upon him." However, there came a time when he could bear the weight and perplexities of the office no longer. The Chronicon points out that Beissel had in reality "placed only one foot in the congregation, while the other was still firmly planted in separatism," acting so "because he feared that in the ocean of humanity he might lose his crown." Beissel, in one of his "Discourses," (No. XXXI.), confessed that he had found it hard to be forced to be a leader, and "once more to begin to live with others," but that he had taken hold with a will, and been desirous "to bind sheaves in this field." He continued: "Then I became aware, however, of the piercing of so poisonous a thorn, and that too among the very best wheat, that horror seized upon me." He was finally "driven in upon him- self," and called the congregation together, appointed elders, handed them the New Testament for their governance, "laid down his office, and moved eight miles, to a barren spot where Ephrata now stands."

Beissel never made known his true reason for this dramatic action, though the editors of the Chronicon seem to suggest that he ran away from temptation. They could "well imagine what temptations there must have been when he, a Solitary, who had but recently left his angelic life in the desert, was now run after by so many people." That the parting affected Beissel greviously may also be imagined. After delivering his final discourse, a fervent exhortation on the "comforting state of God's kingdom," he appointed Sigmund Landert and another as elders, designated Maria Christina Sauer as matron over the single woman, and impressed upon the whole congregation "the necessity of remaining steadfast in their faith." Then, states Sachse, "Beissel, to the surprise of all present, with tears coursing down his cheeks, impress- ivelv laid down his office, as vorsteher * * * * * (and) stepped down from the prayer-bench an humble member of the congregation." Consternation reigned; and the situation became even more dumbfounding when Beissel, notwithstanding that the winter season had not yet passed, "gathered up his books and papers, and once again * * *ourneyed, staff in hand, deeper into the unbroken forest." This occurred in February, 1732, somewhat more than seven years after he had assumed charge of the Conestoga congregation. It is stated that the church meetings, after Beissel had departed, "appeared more like court sessions than religious meetings," so many judicial questions arising for discussion. "One earnest housefather, Casper Walter, went out of time to eternity in deep sorrow of heart on account of the sad schisms of Zion."

Whether Beissel knew that within eight miles of the church settlement lived a hermit, of companionable temperament, is not known; but it seems probable. Anyhow, within that distance of his former home Beissel did find one of the Eckerling brothers living in solitary life. This hermit, entered in the monastic records as Brother Elimelich, was Emanuel Eckerling; and his log cabin stood upon the bank of "a romantic stream, beside a never-failing spring of limpid water, far away from any human habitation." The Indians had known the creek as Hoch-Halekung, meaning the Den of Serpents; but, when settlers came in, the waterway came to be known as Cocalico. It is said that Emanuel Eckerling "evidently expected the coming of the late leader," and received him with open arms, gladly offering to share his cabin with the newcomer until such time as a separate one could be raised.

It was apparently Beissel's intention henceforth to live the life of a recluse, and to maintain himself by his own labor. He "cleared a tract of land, and cultivated it with the hoe," and also, it is said, hewed the timber with which during the summer he and Eckerling built the second cabin, which was to be for his own habitation. He gave much time to spiritual exercises, and, it seems, composed some of his finest hymns during this short period of solitude. There does not seem to be any reason for stating that members of his former congregation did not know his whereabouts. His retreat was at least known to the Eckerling family, for Samuel Eckerling made the arrangements with Benjamin Franklin, the Philadelphia printer, whereby a new book of hymns was printed during the first half of 1732, which compilation included twenty-four new hymns of Beissel's composition, some, if not all, being writ- ten in the quietude of Cocalico.

And there is also record that Beissel was kept advised of the church pro- gress, and that once, on account of the many "legal quarrels" constantly arising in the church, "he found an opportunity and summoned the heads of the congregation to his new dwelling place" for a conference; furthermore, that he was prevailed upon to come once again to the settlement and officiate at a love-feast. The Agapas, or love-feast, was held at the home of Sigmund Landert, on September 4, 1732. Soon thereafter, "notwithstanding their earnest prayers for him to remain in their midst," Beissel returned to his cabin in the wilderness. But a pathway was being beaten to his door, and the winter had not far advanced before three single brethren arrived on the Cocalico, resolved to settle near him and his companion, Brother Elimelich. These three were Martin Bremer, "the firstling of those fell asleep in Ephrata"; Jacob Gast, who took the monastic name of Jethro; and Samuel Eckerling, who became Brother Jephune. The wife of the last-named had died a few months before. These three built for themselves another cabin on the banks of the Cocalico. Sachse describes it as the third house erected in the settlement, but, according to the Chronicon, it was the second house built; therefore it is possible, that Beissel did not build one for himself. The next to arrive were the two sisters Eicher, "who clamored for permission to pass their time in seclusion and silent contemplation, and receive further spiritual, instruction from their former teacher." Beissel "recognized the hand of Providence in the matter," and would not heed the protests of the brethren that the presence of the sisters among them was "improper and perhaps a cause of offence." So it was decided to build a house for the sisters without delay, but on the opposite bank of the creek. The house was completed in May, 1733, and therein the girls lived until the first community-house at Ephrata was erected. The Chronicon states that Beissel at the time of their coming "foresaw in the spirit what would be the outcome of the matter."

The Cocalico Settlement Grows--The flood of emigration was strong in 1733, a steady stream of German settlers coming into Lancaster county and rapidly taking up vacant lands; so that ere long Beissel and his followers were no longer in the wilderness. Most of the emigrants were of Lutheran and Reformed affiliations, though German Sabbatarians had some accessions. "These latter, many of whom were poor and without means, clustered around the settlement of their leader." The rapidity with which the vacant land in Lancaster county was being entered also prompted Sabbatarians throughout the region to draw nearer to the settlement of the Solitary. "So great was this movment that when the year 1734 opened the country, within a radius of three or four miles from Beissel's cabin was all in possession of his followers." In that year the brothers Israel and Gabriel Eckerlin- (Brothers Onesimus and Jotham) joined the Solitary, and all around them were the "householders," the Sabbatarian families. At all events, such was the satis- factory state within the next few years. The Chronicon states that "in the year 1734, the awakened in Falckner's Swamp * * * began to break up and move towards the Settlement, which increased the alarm in the country. They bought up from the spirit of the world the regions around Ephrata, so that in a few years the country for from three to four miles around the settlement was occupied by this kind of people."

A common bake-house was erected by the Solitary in 1734, and also a "magazine for the supply of the poor"; and the settlement began to assume a communal character. Other settlers and churches in Lancaster county were beginning to view this as ominous development. Added to the keenness of church rivalry was the abhorrence with which anything unconventional in mode of life was viewed by these illiterate, but God-fearing and wholesome-minded German settlers. Their imaginations had pictured an appalling state of immorality as prevalent among the followers of Beissel. And this new gathering of Sabbatarians around him at Ephrata was probably viewed by the settlers as a much-to-be-deplored resuscitation of a body they had hoped had expired when Beissel departed from the former settlement. But here in their midst another and much stronger settlement was rapidly growing. Should they permit it to grow? Should they tolerate the existence within reach of their own homes, of a state so insidious, so disastrous to domestic happiness, a thing that might cat into the very vitals of their own home life. Undoubtedly, the people of the region looked with much uneasiness upon the happenings and possibilities at Ephrata. The Chronicon states.- "These matters created a terrible stir in the land, especially among the neighbors, who were partly degenerate Mennonites and partly spoiled church-people. They did all against the newcomers that one could expect from that kind of people * * * Once they, without warning, set fire to the forest, in the hope of burning down the settlement; but the fire turned and laid in ashes the barn of a householder with all its contents. Then they began everywhere to warn one another against seduction, parents warning their children and husbands their wives."

Others, as well as the settlers were perturbed. The civic authorities were fearful that more trouble would arise; also it seems that the Provincial Gov- ernment was not free from anxiety regarding the sect. "The great ones of the land harbored the suspicion that the Jesuits had something to do with it, so that the Brethren were often asked, when they were seen to have gold, whether they had brought it from Mexico. Such were the sorrowful times wherein the foundations of Ephrata were laid." However, the Beisselianer continued to grow, and to manifest vigorous life. The Schwenkfelder sect emigrated from Germany in 1734, and during September and October settled principally on the branches of the Skippack and Perkiomen. When Beissel heard of their arrival, he went among them, seeking converts. The Schwenkfelders were strong, however, in their own faith, and in only one case was Beissel successful. He drew a recruit from the household of his host, Leonard Heidt, at Oley. The latter's daughter Maria, " a beautiful young girl, just budding into womanhood" and "bethrothed to a young swain in the neighborhood of her father's home," became so affected by Beissel's preaching about the "spiritual solitary life" that, when the evangelists left the house, "she followed them to the Cocalico and joined with other women living on the east bank of the stream." Michael Wohlfarth soon went on another evangelizing campaign; "in his habit of a Pilgrim, his hat of Linnen, his beard at full length, and with a long staff in his Hand," he might have been seen, in September of that year berating vehemently from the court house steps in Philadelphia, the "wicked inhabitants of that city." Beissel and others were at that time engaged in active evangelizing campaigns nearer home, work destined to produce very substantial results in the next year.

Several unexpected things happened by which Ephrata community was strengthened. One of the most important of the unexpected accessions to the Beisselianer resulted from the bereavement which overtook the German Baptist Brethren in America in January, 1735. On the 31st of that month, Alexander Mack, the founder of that denomination, died, in his little log cabin in Bebberstown. A "notifier" was sent to each of the Dunker congregations, also to the former Dunker bodies of which Beisset was the head; and, out of respect to the deceased, Dunkers and former-Dunkers were drawn to the humble cabin in Bettelhausen to view the mortal remains of the patriarch and to attend the obsequies. Among them were the hermits from the Cocalico, "who, led by Beissel, Wohlfarth and the Eckerling brothers, all in their picturesque Pilgrim garb, had walked the whole distance from Lancaster over the frozen ground in silence and Indian file." The obsequies begad at noon and continued until the sun had set. Then a cortege was formed. "It was an impressive and wierd sight as the cortege, with its bur- den and flickering torches, filed with slow and solemn step down the old North Wales road" to the upper burying-ground at Germantown, a quarter of a mile away. Among the most sincere mourners were the solitary from Ephrata.

The Germantown congregation for a short while thereafter was under the eldership of Heinrich Klackglasser; "but the death of the patriarch so unsettled the members that seventeen, both men and women, eventually joined the Beisselianer." Among them were sons of Alexander Mack. Indeed, all of his children, Alexander, Valentin, Johannes, and Elizabeth "became more or less identified with the Ephrata Community," two ending their days therein.

Coming of Peter Miller-The events which culminated in the coming of Peter Miller to Ephrata in 1735 were of even greater consequence to the Beisselianer. It brought into the Sabbatarian fold one of the most talented ministers of the Reformed church; and that church at that time in Pennsylvania could ill afford the loss. It seems that notwithstanding that among the German emigrants of the second and third decades were many Lutherans and Reformed, a decade or more was allowed to pass before ministers were sent to care for their spiritual needs. And during that time many of the non-orthodox sects were active among the Lutheran and Reformed people. There was in consequence much defection from the orthodox ranks before Stoever and Weiss took up work in the New World. Johann Caspar Stover was a pillar of strength for the Lutherans, organizing congregations, it is said, "at almost every cross-road, wherever there were Germans." "It was Stoever's ceaseless activity which proved the greatest check to the spread of the rationalistic ideas among the Germans" and counteracted the "baneful influence of the spiritual lethargy known in German as Freigeisterey." He organized church socities at Coventry, French Creek and Nantmill, in Ches- ter county; Maxatawney, Oley, Manatany, Conewago, Falkner Swamp, (New Hanover), Trappe, (New Providence), Schifenthal, Schuylkill Valley, Cole- brookvale, Merion, Wissahickon, Skippack, Chestnut Hill, Germantown, Hosensack, Perkiomen, Leacock, Earltown, Lancaster, Cocalico, Tulpehocken, Macungie, Quitaphila (Lebanon), Philadelphia, and other places. Some of these are still strong church congregations, and many, it will be noticed were in regions wherein the Sabbatarians were active.

Conditions were serious in the third decade; indeed that was "the critical period in the religious history of the Province, as viewed by the orthodox churches. "The rapid strides made by some of the visionary and unscrupulous agitators for a time threatened to drag the German settlers into rationalism and spiritual anarchy"; and it was only the activity of the early Lutheran and Reformed pastors, with the shaping of the German Baptists, of which the Sabbatarians might be deemed a branch, and also the closer organization of the Mennonites, that "turned what threatened to be a tide of infidelity" into the regular and normal course of church membership and worship. The Reformed church had a share in this, after the coming of the Rev. George Michael Weiss, in 1726. He was the first ordained minister of the Reformed Church to arrive in Pennsylvania. Johann Peter Miller was the second; he arrived in 1730.

Johann Peter Miller (Muller), son of a Reformed minister, was born in 1710, at Altzborn (Alsenborn) Oberamt Kaiserslautern, in the Palatinate. He graduated from Heidelburg University while still in his nonage, and in his twentieth year volunteered in response to the urgent calls from Pennsylvania for clergy. He arrived in Philadelphia on August 28, 1730, took the oath of allegiance next day, and almost immediately thereafter applied for ordination to Rev. Jedediah Andrews, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church in Philadelphia. So well did the young deacon acquit himself when examined by three of the clergy, that the Rev. Jedediah Andrews, writing to another of him, testified: "He is an extraordinary person for sense and learning," pointing out that "he speaks Latin as we do our vernacular tongue." He was ordained at the old Buttonwood meeting-house, southeast corner of Market street and Bank alley, on November 20, 1730; but almost from the day of his arrival had officiated as "supply" among the Germans in Philadelphia and Germantown, and to such of the Reformed in the Skippack Valley "as refused to accept the ministrations of Johann Philip Boehm (schoolmaster)," during the absence of the Rev. Weiss, who had gone to Germany in May of that year to collect funds for the struggling congregations in Pennsylvania.

Very soon after his ordination, Peter Miller was called upon to take regu- lar charge of the Tulpehocken church, together with the union congregation of Lutheran and Reformed, in the valley of the Cocalico, and the Bucherthal. Both of these churches had been organized by Schoolmaster Boehm, who at first doubted Miller's orthodoxy, and in any case did not like to think that his own particular field of labor was being invaded by the stranger. Rev. Weiss had experienced like opposition, when he two years earlier had taken the congregation away from Boehm. But Miller assumed the charge, and soon was installed in the circuit known as the Conestoga, and consisting of congregations at Tulpehocken, Cocalico (Muddy Creek), Weisseichentand (White Oak), and Lancaster City. There were three other churches in the Conestoga circuit, but they were served by minister, Conrad Templeman. The Cocalico (Muddy Creek) church was a small log structure situated about six and one-half miles northeast of Ephrata, in Brecknock township. It was erected by the Evangelical Lutheran congregation, but was used by Lutherans and Reformed. Another congregation was formed on the Cocatico, however, and very much nearer to Ephrata, a mile and a quarter southeast of the settlement. The church became known as the Reformirte Gemeinde Cocalico in Conestoken, and is continued in the Bethany church of today, the present stone church supplanting the original log structure in 1817. The Muddy Creek congregation was formed in 1727, but the other Cocalico church, the Reformed congregation nearer Ephrata, was not organized until the Beisselianer settlement gave signs of much strength. Its establishment "was stimulated by the fear that the religious enthusiasm manifested in the valley would tend to lead more of the Germans of the Reformed faith into the fold of the Beisselianer."

Peter Miller's therefore, was an important circuit. And he held loyally to it until he became convinced that he must either take up Sabbatarian principles, or consent to his own damnation. He had no inclination to join the Ephrata Community, "because of the contempt and reproach which lay in the same"; and when he did finally "quit the ministry," it was to live the life of a recluse on the Tulpehocken, not at Ephrata. Nevertheless, the change was the most important step taken in the life of one who ultimately became the leader of the Ephrata Community; and its immediate effect on the church situation in that part of Lancaster county was such that some of the Reformed officials laid it to witchcraft and sorcery. Some even proposed civil prosecu- tion against the Sabbatarians "for heterodoxy and for invading their territory." The "Chronicon Ephratense" narrates the circumstances of the "new awakening at Tuipehocken" in part as follows:

At that time the region of Dulpekakin was settled entirely by Protestants. They had agreed among themselves not to suffer among them any who were differently minded. * * * These now had called the afore-mentioned P. M. (Peter Miller) to be their teacher. * * * The superintendent (Beissel), after he had heard that two young preachers had come into the country, who stood in good repute as to their character, and also thought well of his work, aware of his own inability, in view of the important work before him, thought in his foolishness (Albernbeit) that his work would be better carried out if God would provide one of these young preachers for him, for which he also often bowed his knees before God. This led to important matters. For the Superintendent soon found occasion to make a visit to Tulpehocken with several of his disciples, where he was received by the teacher and elders with the consideration due to him as an ambassador of God; while on his return the teacher and C. W. (Conrad Weiser), an elder, accompanied him over the mountain for six miles. The result of their visit to Tutpehocken was that the teacher, the elders and several others withdrew from the church.

Conrad Weiser-Conrad Weiser was, states the Chronicon, "an elder of the Lutheran faith, a man who had received from God remarkable natural gifts and sound judgment." He was Rev. Peter Miller's "main stay," and their friendship and mutual esteem lasted until death; indeed, the Chronicon states that even "death itself did not destroy" their intimacy. Weiser visited the Ephrata settlement, discussed several matters deeply with Beissel, and went back to Tuipehocken with such strong recommendation of Beissel, his followers, and their religion, that when on the last Sabbath in May of 1735 Beissel was again in Tutpehocken, the "pastor, schoolmaster, three elders with their families, and several members of a Reformed church," were baptized by immersion in the waters of the Tulpehocken (or in one of its tributaries, Mill run), and "went over from the Protestants to this new awakening," henceforth to be numbered with the Sabbatarians. The Chronicon adds that "for some time after the door was kept open for the Babylonian refugees." Some of the "awakened" went to Ephrata, some remained in Tutpehocken, possibly to work for the further strengthening of the Beisselianer in that forbidden territory. Beisset put Miller to the test; offered him charge of the "awakened" in Tulpehocken; and seemingly was pleased when Miller, after a night of reflection, declined the offer, electing instead thereafter to live in seclusion. A house was built for him in a secluded spot along Mill run, and Michael Wohliarth was sent to Tutpehocken as teacher. In that he failed miserably, as likewise did Brother Elimelech, "a born priest" but as unacceptable as his predecessor. Then Conrad Weiser "incautiously seated him self" in the priestly chair, and "thereby opened the door for the tempter to try him." The Chronicon adds: "In this severe trial this Brother (C. W.) in his God-enamored condition found himself, and because he did not take sufficient heed to himself the tempter assailed him anew, and would probably have overcome him, had not God put it into the heart of the Sister to seek out the covenant and have herself rebaptized by the Superintendent. Then the cords of the tempter were torn, and they became as strangers to each other." All of which means no more than that Weiser had had to face the inevitable and perplexing question of how to adjust his own family affairs to meet the new situation which demanded celibacy and continence, even separation from his children.

Johann Conrad Weiser, who was born in Wurttemberg in 1696, son of Johann Conrad and Anna Magdalena (Uebelen) Weiser, came with his father, then a widower, and with seven younger children, to America in 1710. Conrad, the younger, was married in New York in 1720, and in 1729 settled on the Tulpehocken, on a plantation of about one thousand acres near what is now Womelsdorf borough, Berks county. Nine children had been born to them before Weiser was baptized by Beissel in 1735; which may have been the chief reason why his wife, "a Christian person of Evangelical parentage," was "less infatuated with the ascetic movement than her strong-rninded husband." Having so many loved ones, one would imagine that the "Tempter" found it not very difficult to bind Weiser's heart with strong cords. However, the "cords were torn" when Weiser and his wife decided to break up their home and go over to Ephrata, she to enter the sisterhood with their eldest daughter, Anna Madlina, then ten years old, and he to enter the brotherhood with their first-born, Philip. The younger children were presumably left on the plantation, which was rented. The case of the Weiser family is a striking instance of how difficult it was for normal persons to hold to the life set by Beissel for members of the orders he founded. The sequel followed the normal, natural course. It was not long ere the mother-call drew Mrs. Weiser back to her children and to the plantation; and from the fact that two children were born to them during the period Conrad Weiser was supposed to have been separated from his wife, it is evident that his earthly love was stronger than his spiritual vows. Israel Acrelius refers to the unnatural state, in his "History of New Sweden." On page 399, in a description of a visit he made to the Ephrata Cloister, Acrelius writes: "During the time that Conrad Weiser lived among them, he once took the liberty of visiting his own home and family in another place. But upon his return, after a strict examination, he had to submit to a severe punishment for having slept with his own wife, which he willingly underwent." Weiser ultimately left the brotherhood, and became one of its strongest opponents; but much monastic history has to be written before the narrative reaches that time.

The settlement on the Cocalico in 1735, at about the time when Peter Miller, Conrad Weiser, and the others of the Tulpehocken church were "awakened," was still in the "hermit" stage, the main hope of those single persons, male and females who were drawn to the settlement being to find in it a retreat from the things of the flesh and the world. Hence as newcomers came in, the desire was to provide for them small log cabins, in which they could go on in seclusion to spiritual perfection. Consequently the banks of the Cocalico at that spot must have shown evidences of a rapidly growing village at that time. The wilderness was losing its solitude, for, reaching out on all sides from the huts of the solitary, were the plantations of the secular congregation, the "householders" as they were called. This third order, as it were, may well be looked upon as the mainstay of the Beisselianer. The single brethren and sisters, the solitaries, were mostly irresponsible, in that their thoughts were not on the affairs of this world; consequently they were apt to forget even to provide for their own sustenance. At best they were squat- ters, whereas the householders, i.e., the married members of the Sabbatarian sect, were to all intents normal hardworking settlers. They were mostly responsible self-sustaining colonists, owning or making preparations to own and to cultivate a tract of land for themselves. They were different from the average Pennsylvanian of colonial times only in that they rested on the seventh day of each week, and worked on the first day. There was one important difference, or there should have been if the heads of families after their "awakening" strictly followed the doctrines advocated by Beissel; but it does not seem that in all the households Beissel's recommendation of continence was rigidly followed. So that there was not a clearly-defined monastic spirit in evidence early in 1735. Life among the Beisselianer in and near Ephrata settlement then was communal only to the extent of the cooperation of the households with the solitary in the matter of poor relief. The "Korn-maga- zin" erected in 1734 was a community granary, and what grain the single men raised was, after their own needs had been supplied, put into it and used to aid the poorer German emigrants to become established in their clearings. In all probability, however, the granary was filled mainly by the contributions of the more capable agriculturists, the householders. The several large bake-ovens built nearby, under one roof, were intended to supply Pumpernickel bread "to the indigent settlers"; and under the direction of Samuel Eckerling, a cabin for whom was raised between the granary and the bakery, the indus- try was especially useful. It was a communal undertaking, but not a signifi- cant one, still, the monastic air was slowly enveloping the settlement.

In 1734 a desire for more distinctive and sanctimonous dress had become evident. When religious enthusiasts first began to gather around Beissel in the Conestoga settlement dress occupied little of the thoughts of those aspirants for spiritual favor. 'They dressed as they wished, or as they were able; and the garb in some cases was such as to give offence to strangers. Beissel cared nothing for dress, and until Christina Hohn, "a sister of the domestic household," became "excessively enamored with the Superintendent's angelic life," and clothed him anew "with the sanction of her husband," Beissel prob- ably was generally threadbare. If his followers thought of dress at all, they were probably influenced to the simple in clothing by contact with the Mennonites of the county. It appears that Beissel's "clothing, dwelling, and household were fashioned on the poorest scale." But when in about 1730 4 4persons of social position landed in the Community, among whom the Eckerlins were the first," they "took possession of the Superintendent, and dressed him as a Quaker, wherein the rest of the Solitary Brethren followed his example, until the special garb of the Order was introduced." But it was not until about 1734, when some of the most austere members of the Solitary adopted a costume "somewhat similar to that of the pilgrims of old," that the distinct trend to the monastic was seen. For that matter, Beisset once confessed that, while still in the old settlement, "if it had happened as God intended," two monastic orders would have "come into' the congregation." Congregational matters had then, however, reached too serious a state of involvement and discord to permit of such a Pabtist innovation.

Possibly it was the presence in the Cocalico settlement of the two sisters Eicher and other "spiritual virgins," somewhat embarrassingly situated, that influenced the leader to institute monastic houses, or at least a nunnery, for their better seclusion from the world. It indeed seems clear that one of the sisters expressed to him such a wish. One of the Ephrata records still preserved relates exclusively to the sisterhood; and one of the sections of that book is given over to an institutional review. The first paragraphs deal with the experience of the two sisters, Anna and Maria Eicher, from the time when they left their father's house, "to voluntarily enter into exile in the hope of attaining everlasting life," to the time when the younger sister felt a desire for "a nun's habit." Beissel had administered "a loving reproach" to her for "overdoing the matter" of fasting, or of "mortifying the flesh." Following this advice, her emaciated state gradually became less appalling, and with renewed bodily strength came thoughts of other usefulnesses that "would please God the more." A paragraph reads: "Thus it happened that her spiritual zeal constantly increased so that she went to her spiritual leader, and.addressed him with these words: 'Brother (for thus he was then called), I have a strong desire within me to have a nun's habit made for myself'; for then was the small herd of sheep still scattered here and there, and not yet gathered into one fold." By the "small herd of sheep" she probably meant those women who were then living lives of "spiritual virginity" in solitary state in that, and the earlier settlement. The next paragraph reads: "The spiritual father (Beissel) soon noticed that there was more in this little movement than what appeared upon the surface; so he without delay helped to bring the work to completion." Also, it became evident to Beissel, after the awakening at Tulpehocken and the developments at Germantown, "that God was with him," and that the Beisselianer might be considered as now well established. In consequence, the time had come when they might venture to "institute measures for building a meeting-house to God's glory." Hitherto the meetings had been held in private houses. "The largest structure then within the bounds of the Lager was a cabin built against the hillside. This was known as the Berghaus, and on account of its roominess was the favorite place for holding the love-feasts and meetings"; But before the summer of 1735 had come it was no longer large enough for the purpose.

The final decision seems to have been made when Johannes (Hans) Meyer, "the same who first named Conrad Beissel as elder of the Conestoga Congregation" came into the settlement and "handed over his daughter, a young lass, to the Superintendent that he should bring her up to the glory of God." The diarist remarks: "Anyone else would have declined such a present; but he (Beissel) regarded the matter as of a providential leading, received her, and had her serve him for a purpose, namely, to found the Order of Spiritual Virgins." He goes on further to state that the four founding sisters "were given a residence in the second story of the church-building * * * which later was named Kedar." Sachse names the four, but why he omits the names of the sisters Eicher is not clear. He names Maria Hildebrand, Barbara Meyer, Maria Stattler, and Maria Heidt.

It was perhaps well that the building of Kedar, the needed meetinghouse, was not decided upon until these important matters had taken definite shape, for it was then possible to make provision for the three needs when planning the structure, and also to get fuller cooperation of the householders in the projett. After many discussions by the whole of the congregation, it was finally decided to raise a structure that would provide a "hall for meetings, also large halls, fully furnished, for holding the Agapae or love-feasts," and in addition "cells for the Solitary, after the manner of the Greek church," of primitive times. Construction began in July of 1735, householders and solitary taking part in the work. It went rapidly forward, and "by the fall a fine structure was ready for occupation."

Ere the new house of worship was ready, the "awakened" from the Tulpehocken arrivedin the settlement. They were accommodated as well as was possibly, Peter Miller being quartered with Heinrich Kalckglasser, formerly one of the leaders of the Germantown Dunkar congregation, and with two of the most active members of the Cocalico settlement, the broothers Israel and Gabriel Eckerling. These four were permitted to live in the "Berghouse," states the record. There is no evidence by which it may be clearly determined which house this was, though there is not good reason to suppose that it may have been the house "Kedar," in which, when ready, the Superintendent housed four solitary brethren on the lower floor and assigned the upper story to the four sisters. Peter Miller and the other leaders in all probability had the use of the old berghouse, "on the side of the hill."

(Sachse, who has probably given more time to research in Ephrata records than any other student, positively identifies the "four solitary brethren quartered in the lower story" of Kedar; he names Michael Wohlfarth, Jan Meyle, just and Theonis, the last being the monastic names of two of the brethren whose natural names have not been handed down).

The reason why four single brethren were put into the house in which the four sisters also lived will probably never be known. The reason may have been merely that the settlement was growing faster in men than in quarters, and that the worldly thoughts that would come to worldly persons would not suggest themselves to a man of God such as was Beissel. Or he may have thought that the beloved sisters should be shielded from temptation and from association with young men who were as yet but novices in the spiritual course. Whatever the governing reason may have been, worldly folk would deem the situation thus created as at least unfortunate, even though assured that the ground-floor occupants were tried-and-true celibates, so far forward in the spiritual course as to be immune from the temptations of Adam. The "Chronicon Ephratense" admits that this unfortunate housing occasioned much scandal in the neighborhood, for "no one would believe than matters could go on properly thus." The diarist seems to deplore that Beissel, in his heediessnes of convention and public opinion, should so often bring himself and his followers into avoidable situations of embarrassment; it seemed to him that "where others went out of the way of danger, he (Beissel) plunged his followers into the midst of it." Yet he defends Beissel, whom he knew "cared more to have an essential separateness than that there should be an outward appearance thereof, which might not be real." And it is assuring to have the diarist's testimony that "there finally came to be as unrestrained a life in the Settlement as though all were of the same sex." Alas I how much scandal would have been stifled had such an enviable state of life in the settlement been generally known throughout the region.

Even before Kedar was quite completed, the practice of holding divine services at midnight was begun. The solitary of both sexes gathered for the "night-watches," regularly at midnight, "because at that hour the advent of the judge was expected." In the opening meetings the fervour was long- sustained, the meetings continuing through the night, and generally lasting for four hours. They were sometimes held under the superintendence of Beissel, but at other times he preferred to "wait upon God in his own house of watching." These midnight meetings, these gatherings of single men and women in the dead of night, in a dimly lighted hall, constituted amazing crystal-glasses of scandal for those who delighted to look for such phantasms; and scandalmongers had little difficulty in that day of superstition in arousing indignation in the right-living God-fearing German settlers. The maintenance of this offence against decency, as the midnight gatherings were viewed by outsiders, and the occasional raids made by Beisselianer upon other sects, evangelizing raids which were likely to result in the loss of a dearly-beloved daughter, or maybe the mother, from some formerly happy home-circle, aroused the neighboring settlers almost beyond endurance. The "awakening" of one young Lutheran girl and her disappearance into the Beissel fold, brought the resentment of some of the neighboring settlers to beyond the boiling point, on the night before the Beisselianer were confidently hoping that the spirit of neighborliness and good-will would mani- fest itself, at a general love-feast, to which "all friends and well-wishers" from far and near had been invited, the occasion being the formal opening of the house Kedar. But these incensed indignant settlers on the night before would take no heed of the morrow. A grim task, an immediate task, lay before them. It was an age of strong men, of strong feelings, and of fearless action. The administration of the law in those sparcely-settled parts lay largely with the settlers; the rod was with them, if they had need to use it. And on this night several horny-handed men gathered silently near the Ephrata settlement. Had not the night been so black, it might have been seen that "several human forms entered the settlement and silently picked their way to the cabin occupied by Beissel." Not a word was spoken; not a word was nec- essary; they were laboring under such excitement, their purpose was so set and grim, that words would have been out of place. Carefully thev lifted the latch, and two of the men quietly but swiftly passed into the cabin. Sachse describes the scene well:

The anchorite (Beissel) reposed in slumber upon his hard pallet of wood, with a block of the same under his head for a pillow. Not a sound was to be heard but the breathing of the sleeper. * * * The two men, now beside the cot, without saying a word proceeded to belabor Beissel with a knotted rope and leather thongs. With the first stroke the sleeper awoke with a howl of pain. The blows, however, fell thick and fast, as the intruders followed him about the little room. At last he gained the door and escaped to the next cabin, where he fell with fright and covered with bruises. During the scene not a word was spoken, the only noises being the shrieks of the victim, and the swish of the lashes. After the escape of Beissel, those who inflicted them departed as mysteriously as they had come.

The "Chronicon Ephratense" reports the attack thus: "Messengers were sent out into the country to invite to it (the love-feast, to open the house Kedar) all friends and well-wishers. How greatly this displeased the Prince of Darkness may be judged from the fact that, at the very time, at midnight, the Superintendent was so severely belabored with blows from an invisible power that he was forced to take refuge with the nearest Brethren." The love-feast of the following day was nevertheless held, but only a few of the invited guests came, states the diarist. The dedication of the house Kedar was therefore somewhat discouraging; and the few strangers who did attend were "offended" because one brother, during the feet-washing, kissed the feet of his leader.

Building of the Bethaus-Beissel may not have been affected by public opinion, but it is evident that some of the church members-those who came more in touch with the outside world-grieved when they appreciated to what an extent scandalous reports were being circulated regarding the settlement. To remove the basis for one of the most damning reports one of the house-holders soon found a way. Sigmund La.ndert, now a widower, disposed of his plantation on the Muhlbach and "proposed to Beissel that Kedar should be kept exclusively as a sister house, in which event he would build, out of the wealth which God had vouchsafed him, a large house adjoining Kedar, to be used exclusively for assembly purposes, provided that he and his two daughters be received into the settlement." Beisset "counseled him not to do, it," but soon afterwards agreed, "when Landert offered in addition to build a separate house for him." Another house father, Hermann Zinn, was so pleased with the proposal and with the better state it would establish, that he also sold his plantation, and "in apostolic wise, laid the price thereof at the Superintendent's feet," to help to build the proposed house of prayer. The Chronicon states. "The confidence which every household at that time yet felt towards him (for as yet there was no one who doubted his divine mission) was such that all their real and personal possessions were in his hands, and they would not have refused, at a mere wink from him, to give up all for the glory of God."

The prayer-house and dwelling-house were built without delay, alongside the house Kedar. The prayer-house, or Bethaus, was "of stately dimensions," and at the time of its completion its saal, or hall for meetings, was "the largest and most imposing room for public worship in the Province. In addition to the Saal, the Bethaus had ample rooms for offices and love feasts."

Landert duly entered the brotherhood, under the name of Sealthiel, and placed his two daughters in Kedar, which henceforth was given over almost exclusively to the sisterhood. The saintly members of the Order of Spiritual Virgins thus became appropriately environed; and, with the accession of additional sisters, at that time the "foundation for communal life was also laid." The foundation was presumably in the action of the sisters in undertaking to daily prepare a supper for the entire settlement, the only regular meat eaten by the way. For the purpose, it was arranged that each day provisions would be delivered to the sisters in the kitchen. This seems to have been the only contact the brethren had with the sisters, saving when they met at devotional exercises. The evening meal was served by the sisters in the large dining hall, but at that gathering the sisters were separated from the brethren "by a dividing screen."

The Bethaus stood for about four years, but was then demolished, apparently without reason. The Chronicon's description of its sudden demolition is couched in scriptural phraseology of mystical ambiguity, but seems to infer that Beissel was responsible for the razing, "the cause of which can scarcely be comprehended by human reason; the standard is too limited." Sachse found a good reason for the "vandalism," and in proper place this reason will be stated. The eternal problem of the sexes was involved in the happening.

The entries in the official Ephrata records are in many cases hard to follow. The chronicler seems to have had great disregard for the importance of dates. The Bethaus was not destroyed until 1739 or 1740, and it was not until then or afterwards that upon its site the Prior, in pursuance of one of his schemes of belittling and involving Beisset with the sisterhood, built a dwelling house for the Superintendent, in consequence of which arrangement he "was now for the second time obliged to abandon his seclusion, and therefore removed into the confines of the Sisterhood," e. g., his new habitation adjoining the sister house. Beissel would be forty-nine or fifty years old! at that time, yet the diarist in referring to the temptations the Superintendent was called upon to endure in his new state, "with his whole house filled with his spiritual daughters "sent unto him "in the bloom of youth," refers to him as being still "in his fortieth year." Either this was an experience and condition of an earlier time, or he must have appeared to be younger in 1739 than he really was. Again, the diarist states that Beissel "was impelled to lay the foundations of the communal life" at the time "when the female part was incor- porated in his household and while the Brothers' Convent was being built." Zion, the brotherhouse was not erected until 1738, three years after Kedar was built, though the project may have had its inception in 1735. The diarist skips years in a sentence. Possibly "the female part" of Beissel's household was established at the time of the beginning of the communal life, which was, it would seem, in 1735 or 1736, when the sisters in Kedar undertook to prepare the daily meal for the whole of the solitary, male and female. Regarding it the diarist writes:

At this time when the female part was incorporated in his household, and while the Brothers' Convent was being built, the Superintendent was impelled to lay the foundations of the communal life. Accordingly, all provisions were delivered to the Sisterr, in their kitchen, who daily prepared a supper for the entire Settlement in a large dining-hall, they being sep- arated from them by a dividing screen. * * * After this had continued for half a year, and the common household of the Sisters had been dedicated, the Brethren were again dismissed in peace, and the Superintendent restored to them their prescribed rations.

Apparently, for some years after vacating Kedar, the brethren again retired to their huts, and lived the solitary life. But the nacht-metten (midnight prayers) still brought the brethren and sisters together in the Bethaus from midnight until 1 A. M., creating further cause, or excuse, for scandal. The brethren settled down comfortably to lives of separation in their little huts, and when the time came to renounce the solitude and enter upon a conventional life, many were loath to do so. When finally they vacated their huts and moved into the brotherhouse it was astonishing to note how well they had been equipped in creature comforts for the solitary life. "The Brethren had so thoroughly prepared everything for their solitary life that," states the Chronicon, "when they brought their household furniture together to Zion, it was a matter of astonishment how they were furnished in every detail." Tle diarist ominously adds. "0, how many fiery trials these warriors might have avoided, if it had been permitted them to end their lives in this angelic existence * * * Remarkable it is that the holy fathers in the desert trade their disciples first learn obedience in convents and afterwards sent them into the desert for higher schooling; here it was turned around, they went from solitude to convent life." The change did not come suddenly; but evi- dently it was deferred only through lack of means, for Beissel had long since become convinced that "no hermit enters the kingdom of God."

The congregation was not wealthy at the time, though the "purse" of the settlement had been saved from becoming even lighter when, in 1736, the civil authorities had decided to exempt the hermits from taxation. It was an anxious time for the settlement, for much depended on the test-case. Six of the brethren volunteered to endure arrest and imprisonment for refusing to pay the head-tax. A constable had come into the camp to collect the "single men's tax," and had failed to be deviated from his course by the arguments of the mass meeting then held. The constable was "a plain matter-of-fact person," and could not see that, because Theodosius Magnus had exempted monks and hermits from taxation, in consideration of the bread they had supplied to the prisons of Alexandria, he should exempt the hermits of the Cocalico who were wont to give their surplus Pumpernickel to, the poor of Cocalico township. When he was resisted by the Beisselianer he summoned to his aid "some of the neighbors who were antagonistic to the Sabbatarians and without more ado seized six of the latter party and marched them off to Lancaster." Those taken into custody were Peter Miller, Martin Bremmer, and the four brothers Eckerling. There was trouble on the way, for they positively refused to travel by any other than their usual mode; hence the journey from Ephrata to Lancaster was made on foot. They were arraigned, and in default of bail were committed to the county prison. Bail not being offered within ten days, one of the justices, Tobias Hendricks, then took compassion on them and offered the required bail himself, "taking their bare word for their appearance in court when wanted." The case was brought before the commissioners and assessors of taxes "at the following May court of the year 1737 (1736?). Flatly, the prisoners refused to pay the'head-tax,' because they acknowledged no worldly authority's right over their bodies, since they had been redeemed from the world and men;" moreover, they, who spent such saintly lives, resented being "measured by the same standards as vagabonds." A compromise was sought. Could not the settlement be taxed as "one spiritual family?" A family tax of forty shillings was finally agreed upon and paid "for the settlement as a whole." One version has it that the judges -*were influenced in so deciding by the emaciated appearance of the prisoners, one of the judges thinking that since the prisoners were so thin, the six might pass as one. Peter Miller's own testimony is, in part: "The fear of God came upon the Gentlemen, who were t-heiii judges, when they saw six men before them, which in the prime of their ages by penitential works had been reduced to Skeletons."

The released brethren with light hearts, began their "long tramp through forest and field" back to the Cocalico. They reached the settlement at midnight of the second day after their release. The "night watch" was at that time in full session, and they entered the Saal silently at the moment "fervent prayers were being offered for the release of the absent ones." Sachse writes:

It was an impressive and picturesque scene; the large Saal, with its two galleries, shrouded in semi-darkness, the only light being the flickering tallow candles, one of which stood in front of each worshipper; the dark shadows in the corners; the six released brethren silently ranging themselves in front of the platform with heads bowed and hands crossed upon their breasts similar to the penitents of old. Conrad Beissel standing erect upon the platform, austere and immovable; and the various long-bearded solitary, sitting upon the hard wooden benches, listening to the invocation in behalf of their absent brethren.

With the entry of the party a hush at once came over the assembly. For a few minutes, the silence was painful; then it was broken by the stentorian voice of Brother Conrad (Beissel), intoning the grand old German chorale of Martin Luther, Eine Feste Burg ist unser Gott. Before the singing of the first line had been completed the hymn was taken up by all present, until the strains of the rugged melody reverberated throughout the large room. It was a spontaneous thank-offering emanating from the hearts of the assembled brethren. When the hymn was finished, thanks were offered, and the night-watch closed with an impressive address by Beissel on the power of the Beast upon earth.

It seem that this anxiety had been brought upon them by opposing neigh- bors, but punishment evidently came upon their persecutors. The Ephrata record ends thus: "Upon those neighbors, however, who had gloated over the misfortune of the brethren, there fell the terror of the Lord, so that they hurriedly left this region."

Shortly after this incident, the Governor of the Province, George Thomas, visited the settlement accompanied by many "people of quality" from Virginia and Maryland. They were impressed by what they saw, and the Governor, who was accused of having an ulterior motive in coming, seized the opportunity of "making a favorable impression" on Brother Conrad Weiser, whom he offered to commission as a justice. This Weiser would not accept unles.i the congregation approved. When it was put to them, the fathers were of the opinion that the holding of a government office by one of their sect was contrary to the principles they practiced. Beissel, however, ruled that they had no right "to restrict a brother's conscience," so Weiser agreed to accept the judgeship; he was not, however, appointed until five years after- wards, in 1741. Then Fate was surely ironical, for one of the first cases Weiser as justice had to take cognizance of was one which reflected very seri- ously against the moral character of his former leader, Beissel.

An attempt was made to unite the Germantown Dunker and the Ephrata Sabbatarian congregations in 1736, a pilgrimage being made to Ephrata for the purpose; at that time, however, Beissel, Miller and other leading Sab- batists were at Tulpehocken, so that nothing was accomplished. But in the next few years many of the leaders of the Germantown congregation left the Dunker church and joined the ranks of the Beisselianer at Ephrata.

The fame of the Cocalico settlement had spread even to Europe. Seven members of the Thoma family, of Viedendarf, Switzerland, arrived in Philadelphia on the ship "Princess Augustus," on September 15, 1736. They at once joined the Ephrata Community.

The Cocalico Settlement Takes Name of Ephrata-It was in 1736, it seems, that the Cocalico Settlement first came into printed record under the name of Ephrata. The hymnal of 1732 was much enlarged and republished in 1736. It came from the press of Benjamin Franklin and the preface was dated - "Ephrata in der gegend Canestoges, den 27, April, 1736." The "Chronicon Ephratense," however, has the following on the subject, on a page devoted to happenings of the year 1738; "At this time, too, the name Ephrata was given to the Settlement by the Superintendent, of which he said, that here his Rachel, for whom he had served so many years, was buried, after she had borne to him Benoni, the child of anguish; whereby he pointed to the history of the patriarch, Jacob, but, as in several other instances dates given in the Ephrata chronicle conflict with those given in other records, implicit reliance cannot be placed in this instance on the Chronicon date. The above-quoted hymnal bearing the Franklin Press imprint of 1736 is more reliable evidence. Sachse decides also on the earlier year.

A pioneer party of Moravian evangelists arrived in Pennsylvania in April of 1736. The leaders, the Rev. Joseph Spangenberg and Bishop David Nitchmann, paid a visit to Beissel at Ephrata in that year, and "were greatly touched by what they saw and heard in the settlement on the Cocalico." So much is evident from the fact "that in St. Thomas, whither they went from Ephrata, they baptized the blacks whom they converted there by immersing them under the water, according to the Ephrata manner."

An important innovation of 1736 was the introduction of a Confessional ceremony into the Ephrata observances. It took the form of a vleekly public reading of confessional papers, called lectiones. "It was ordered that weekly, on the evening of the sixth day, every one should examine his heart before God in his own cell, and then hand in a written statement of his spiritual condition to the Superintendent, which was to be read at the meeting of the con- gregation on the following Sabbath." There also seemed to have been a secret oral confession, practiced at least by the sisters to their "Spiritual father," Beissel, for in one case a very serious sin was confessed to Beissel by one of the sisters, and it remained a secret for several years, being made known to others by Beissel only after that sister had again fallen from grace and had life the sisterhood.

In 1737, the brethren seem to have been drawn into a monastic brotherhood, apparently against their wish. The Chronicon states that "as now so many wooers of the Virgin continually announced themselves at the Settlement, the Superintendent was at a loss what should be done with these numerous young people, and whether it were not better to teach them to renounce their self-will in convents under spiritual authority than to let them raise up their., own altars of selfhood in corners." The settlement had been gradually changing. As the number of settlers grew the "plain Gospel teachings of the early Baptist and Sabbatarian movements" were supplanted by mvstic theology, and, in keeping with that spirit, some better system of governance of and control over the members of the community was thought to be imperative. Sachse writes:

As it was, the settlement was merely an aggregation of religious enthusiasts, mostly of the men living separately as hermits, or anchorites. It will be recalled that an attempt had already been made to organize the single women under a rule known as the Order of Spiritual Virgins. But all efforts looking toward the bringing about of a similar organization among the Brethren had thus far come to naught. The only government of this peculiar settlement thus far consisted of the dictates of Conrad Beissel, or Brother Conrad, as he was usually called, and even these were frequently ignored, as there existed no means of enforcing his demands. Now, however, the number of brethren requisite to complete the mystic number of forty, the figure of Rosicrucian perfection, having been reached, renewed efforts were made to change the solitary mode of life into a conventual one. This movement culminated in the establishment of a mystical monastic society.

With the introduction of the monastic feature came the thought of more distinctive dress. The council of members sought the advice of Martin Bremmer, the community tailor. He recommended the dress of the Capuchins, or White Friars, "modified so as to meet the ideas of Beissel," who sought to "muffle the mortal body" as much as possible, "for its humiliation." Finally, the garb decided upon was an overgown of white linen or wool, according to the season, cowled, and with very little distinction made between the gown for males and that for females. The undergarments were shirt, trousers and vest for the brethren, and shirt and a coarse flannel petticoat for the sisters. The dress of the secular congregations was to be similar, but in grey instead of white. In general, the aim was to make "as near an approach to man's original state in costume as could be done under existing laws and conditions." In keeping with the aim in dress, the men allowed the beard and hair to grow long, went barefooted save in winter, and hoped to attain patriarchial age by abstaining from animal food. In the love-feast, the breth- ren soon adopted a practice of the Hebrews of old, "for, when the kiss was passed, each brother would grasp his neighbor's beard with the right hand as he gave him the salute."

It is recorded that the change of dress "was received at first with almost universal favor among the secular congregation, and the members vied with each other to be the first to discard their heathenish and Babylonian clothing, and long before the winter set in, the faithful of the congregation when they assembled for worship upon the Bible Sabbath, were equipped in the habit which they claimed was that of the primitive Christians." Some refused to adopt the habit, which they thought was indicative of a "revival of popish discipline." Some of the "extra-holy" thought "that it were better to change the heart than the clothing." The sisters agreed with their "by-God-elevated Father, of Spiritual-leader," Beissel, that their former "many diversities of the clothing" were "entirely in contrast to the internal Spirit of Love." So that although, after a few years had passed the secular congregation almost wholly reverted to their "Babylonian" dress again, the two monastic orders held to the special garb. Indeed, when the society had reached a definite state of dignity in numbers and worldly wealth, and the heads of the orders thus had more exalted places, an attempt was made to bedeck them in super-priestly robes. But this was by the scheming of a more worldy faction of the broth- erhood than that which followed Beissel.

The first death among the single brethren occurred early in 1738. Sachse writes:

It was during the night of Friday, March 3rd, the midnight services being over and the Solitary having returned to their respective kammers to rest their weary heads again upon the hard blocks which served as pillows, that suddenly the stillness of the night was broken by the notes of the Kloster bell. Clear and loud the ringing sounded forth in the quiet night. From Ephrata mountain to Zion hill the echoes reverberated the metallic sound. Awakened from their slumber, Solitary and settlers, irrespective of faith, rushed to door and window seeking the cause of the unusual alarm. Suddenly the pealing ceased, to be followed by a solemn tolling of the bell until a certain number was recorded. It was the public announcement that the grim Reaper had invaded the Kloster confines and had claimed his first victim from among the Solitary.

The lot had fallen upon Brother Martin (Bremmer), the Community tailor, who had been so useful in the previous year, in the matter of monastic habits.

This reference to the bell-tolling brings to notice a custom observed among the German people of Lancaster county even to this day in some parts. Sachse writes: "The ringing of the Kloster bell at the death of any member of the Community was practiced for many years; and as it took the popular fancy it was followed by both Lutheran and Reformed churches, while in the Moravian congregations public announcement of the death of members was made from the roof of the church by trombonists, special melodies being played, according to the class and station of the deceased." Among the Sabbatarians, the first alarm or general bell-ringing would be followed by slow and mournful strokes, to the number of the years of the deceased.

The obsequies of Brother Martin also bring to light some other strange German customs. His cabin window had been opened "as soon as the breath had left the body, so that the soul could take its flight heavenward unhin- dered," and upon the ni-ht of the funeral, "as the body was being carried out of the Berghouse, a bucket of water was poured upon the door-sill and swept outward," and the door immediately closed, to "prevent the return of the spirit of the departed." To make doubly sure that it would not return, "three crosses were marked upon the door-jamb with red earth, or clay." The inter- ment took place by torchlight, at the midnight hour, "with the full mystic ritual of the order."

The Mystical Brotherhood of Zion-This again brings to mind the veering of the Solitary from the Biblical to the Mystical. It seems that the centre of the mystical movement was in the old berghouse occupied by four leading brethren, and frequented by very many. The "Chronicon Ephratense" describes this berghouse as the "Hill House," so called because of its situation, "half against the hill." The tenants were: "Brother Onesimus, who afterwards became Prior (Israel Eckerting); Brother Jotham, his brother after the flesh, (Gabriel Eckerling); Brother Nehemiah (____ Hagemann) ; and Brother Jabez (Peter Miller). The last-named was not fully in sympathy with the movement, his veering to the mystical being not more than that of Beissel, and "nothing else than the Rosicrucian doctrine, pure and undefiled." But the rites developed by the Eckerling brothers in the original masculine order, the "Brotherhood of Zion," at Ephrata, was, thinks Sachse, "similar to what are now known as the 'strict observance,' or the Egyptian cult of mystic Freemasonry."

It would seem that the Zionitic Brotherhood was founded prior to the building of the brotherhouse known as "Zion," and that the meetings were held in the house of the Eckerlings, the old berghouse or Hill House, which the records state was "well furnished for the entertainment of guests." It was the best holding of any in the settlement, at least among the solitary, the tenants having cleared "a goodly tract of land, and established a right pleasant settlement" for themselves. The diarist was probably thinking of the Eckerlings, in connection with that holding, when he put into the record that on it "they thought to maintain themselves even though all else should go to nothing." But, he adds, "these were mere men's thoughts." He continues: "With them the Superintendent was on confidential terms; all love-feasts in the settlement were held in their house; and all guests were harbored there; on which account the rest of the brethren harbored ill-will against them. But what would be the final outcome no one knew at that time; God had hidden it from their eyes, other-wise none would have gone into the net."

One of the founding members of the Brotherhood of Zion was "a very rich young Swiss," Benedict Yuchly, or Juchly, who had but recently come into the settlement, and who perhaps had come under the influence of the Eckerlings. At all events, Yuchly "resolved to devote his fortune to the building of a convent," which the Eckerling brothers determined should be the chapter-house of their secret society.

The followers of Beissel were always somewhat distrustful and suspicious of the Eckerling brothers, who were thought to be Roman Catholics, in secret communication with some order of that church; therefore when the matter of building a convent or brother-house was put to Beissel, he may have thought of undermining the Eckerling influence to some extent, when he selected part of their cleared tract as the site for the new structure. This did not please the Eckertings; "the good Brethren of the Hill House were moved to sensitiveness by this," states the Chronicon, "for they realized that this con- vent would be at their expense." Still, their protests did not change the decision, and the brothers Eckerling had to accept the situation with the best grace possible. There the Zionitische Bruderschaft, or the "Brotherhood of Zion" was destined to function (with Gabriel Eckerting, as Perfect Master, or Prior), and the hill thereafter was to be known as Zion, or Mount Sinai.

The building of the Zion convent, or brotherhouse, or chapterhouse, went forward rapidly, "in accordance with plans (fuly set forth in the teachings of the ancient rite" of Freemasonry. The framework was raised in May, 1738, with much ceremony of ritual and prayer," and five months later the building was ready for occupation, although it was not entirely finished until five years more had passed. The curious house was of three stories, the lower floor consisting of one large room known as the refectory, with several anti-chambers, "two of which served as pantries for storing the provisions and necessaries for use during the forty days of seclusion, and the remaining chamber constituted the receptacle for such paraphernalia as was used by the brethren in their ceremonial." The second floor was in the form of a circular chamber, without any window, the only light planned being that which would come from a lighted lamp placed upon a small table in the centre of the room. It was to be kept burning continuously "during the practice of the rite." Around this table were to be arranged "thirteen cots or pallets, like the radiating spokes of a wheel." The third story "was the mystical chamber, where the arcana of the rite were unfolded to the secluded." Access to the chamber was obtained through a trap-door in the floor; and in this place "the ceremonies of the rite were performed by the thirteen brethren who were striving for their moral regeneration and seeking communication with the spirit world."

There were to be two classes. The neophytes were to enter upon a ritual which in forty days would give them physical regeneration.The adepts would pass on to the higher ritual, which in forty days would enable them to attain moral regeneration, or what was known as the "state of primitive in- nocence"; and so, "with physical body as clean and pure as that of a new-born child, spirit filled with divine light with vision without limit, and with mental powers unbounded, the adept would henceforth have no other ambition than to enjoy that complete rest while waiting for immortality." It is doubtful, however, whether any passed through the full ordeal, that of the neophyte stage was so drastic a means of purification that the soul would be more than likely to leave the body altogether before the ritual had reached the fortieth day. One enthusiast, who begged the Eckerlings to practice within his body the means of sanctification they had described, was not taken seriously. The Eckertings "marveled" at his willingness to undertake the ritual, which after long fasting and other body attrition' called for the injection on the thirty-third day of a wonderful elixir, one grain of which would bring about loss of speech and memory, and produce dangerous convulsions. Another grain was to be administered on the thirty-fourth day; it would bring about a delirious fever, ending in a shedding of the skin, hair and teeth. 'rhe third grain, which would be taken on the thirty-sixth day, if any life still remained in the candidate, would however, have an entirely different effect, the hair, teeth, and skin being "miraculously renewed." The candidate would then be on the right way to remain alive until the thirty-ninth day, when he would have administered to him ten drops of the "elixir of life," which would keep him rejuvenated and free from original sin for the next forty years. At the end of that time, how- ever, it would be necessary to again pass through the ordeal. The one who begged to be experimented upon finally, in desperation, experimented upon himself, and in the process lost his reason. This man, Johann Frantz Regnier, who in 1747 published his experiences, testified as follows: "When I was completely mad, and without reason, they took me from the hut, demolished it, and confined me in a cell (kammer) guarding me day and night, but as they could not accomplish anything they removed me to a dark cell and beat and lashed me, so that I might recover my reason." Sanity after a while came back to him, "not without many relapses" however; therefore it may reasonably be doubted whether any of the brethren in Zion were allowed to use even the first grain of the materia prima. Sachse writes- "This materia prima is the same substance which God created to confer immortality upon man when he was first made in Paradise, but which, by reason of man's wick- edness, was lost to the race, and at the present time was only to be obtained through or by the favor of such adepts as were within the highest circle of the Rosicrucian Brotherhood."

However, taking up again the narrative at the point where the new brotherhouse had reached a sufficiently completed state to permit of occupation in October, 1738. Sachse writes:

The structure was no sooner advanced far enough for occupation than the necessary provisions and paraphernalia were obtained, and preparations were made by the thirteen votaries to undergo the ordeal (set for adepts), viz.: i. Gabriel Eckerling, Perfect Master or Prior, known as Bro. Jotham; --. Jacob Thoma; 3. Benedict Juckly, Bro. Benedict; 4. Bro. jemini; 5. David Lassie, Bro. Isai; 6. Bro. Benno; 7. Peter Bucher, Bro. Joel; 8. Peter Gehr; 9. Jacob Honhnly, Bro. Ephraim; 10. Nathaniel Eicher, Bro. Nathaniel; 11. Christian Eicher, Bro. Eleazer; 12. Bro. Just; 13. Emanuel Eckerling, Bro. Elimlech.

At the conclusion of certain religious services, among which was the saying of the 48th Psalm, a procession was formed, and the thirteen elect were escorted up the hill to the portals of the building, which, as soon as the adepts had entered, were securely locked to prevent any intrusion or interruption during the forty days of their retirement from the outside world.

The ordeal for the adepts was, however, not nearly so rigorous as the terrible one through which they were supposed to have passed as neophytes; as a matter of fact, the forty days were spent mostly in reflection, prayer, and ritualistic study, until they finally were given the power of "visible intercourse" with the seven archangels-Anael, Michael, Raphael, Gabriel, Uriel, Zobiachiel and Anachiel-on the fortieth day also receiving "from the senior archangel a parchment or scrool on which was the seal or the sacred pentagon containing the ineffable name." To what extent this description is figurative rather than literal, the present reviewer is unable to determine. But certain it is that at least one of the adepts, Benedict Yuchly, or Juchly, left the convent a few years later, "very much disgusted with this narrowly circumscribed life," and very much pleased with himself that he had gained his freedom by a subterfuge--under' a promise that he would return to Switzerland, where he still had large possessions, convert this fortune into money and hand it over to the community. Another of the original adepts, Pete Gehr, grew "a root of bitterness," which stayed with him for almost the remainder of his life, and manifested itself in bitter feelings against Beissel and in the writing of many wrathful words which he strove to cancel before he died. "On his death-bed he ordered a whole ream of paper, which he had written full, to be torn up and thrown into the water."

To what extent Conrad Beissel was cognizant of the secrets of the Brotherhood of Zion is not known; but it seems that the whole of the plans of the Eckerlings were not fully known to him. They had to make use of him, but to what extent he followed, or was made acquainted with their secret ritual can only be conjectured. His own tendencies were toward the mystical, but there was a difference in his aims and those of the Eckerling faction. And reading of the account written into the "Chronicon Ephratense" of the building and occupation of the Zion Convent can hardly be otherwise interpreted the that Beissel did not know all the purposes to which the brotherhouse was to be put. To him, presumably, it was to be, fundamentally and chiefly, an institution of the Christian Church, a branch of the Sabbatarian denomination, a higher branch maybe, but with no ritualistic purpose that could not be ex- plained to all classes of his congregation. The diarist writes:

Work on this great house went forward rapidly. Its frame was erected in May, 1738, and in the following October the first Brethren moved into it; they were, with a few exceptions, all novices, and had but little experience in the spiritual life. Soon afterward they moved in there were certain happenings from which one would infer that this house would be a source of many sorrows for its inmates; for each one brought with him his inflanunable passions, while the divine font by which all acerbity is softened, had not yet been opened in them; besides this, the older Brethren had not yet put their interest in this house. The house was not entirely finished nor fully occupied until five years after this.

The Superintendent spoke much with the older Brethren concerning this new institution, how it demanded a man who would be its sole head, without whom the institution would not be able to be maintained. But when he noticed that his words did not make any impression on them he made use of a trick, and pretended that he would place the two brethren Nehemiah and Jabez in authority at Zion; which when the Eckerlins heard, they regarded it as an insult that Brethren who were younger than they in their calling should be preferred before them. Therefore the youngest among them, Jotham by name, went off, and moved to Zion with the two Brethren named; but his elder brother, Onesimus, who was intended for the office, at that time yet held back. As now the Brethren in Zion were obliged to accept this authority, they came into great temptations and thought their freedom was lost forever; for although they were very earnest they had not yet learned that obedience by which the Son of God overcame the evil one; nor was it any wonder, because their superiors also lacked the same. Consequently their natural characteristics came into collision, so that often, if the Superintendent had not come into the breach, the name of God would have been brought into dishonor among them. Now it became apparent what the Superintendent had intended when he said that the house demanded a man; there was no one of dignity enough among them to be chosen. For notwithstanding that the same Brother used every effort to bring the house into subjection, in which also he in a measure succeeded, it yet was only a government of selfistuiess; wherefore also it broke up again the following year, 1740. Thus at length the hermit Order in the Settlement was converted, and many temptations, to a conventual life.

The Mystic of the Cocalico--Sachse, in studying the question: "Whence did Conrad Beissel obtain his mystical lore?" came upor. a number of ancient books and paper of the old Zionitic Brotherhood, unearthed from their hiding place, where they had rested undisturbed for almost a century." These documents "give us the true foundation of the whole structure of the Ephrata mysticism." They showed that the theosophy of Beissel was built chiefly upon a few of the earlier writings of Gottfried Arnold, "combined with the Ego and Non-Ego to which he was introduced in the Rosicruciaii chapter at Heidelberg." A comparison of Arnold's works with Beissel's greatest thesis, known as Die Wunderschrifft (Dissertation on Man's Fall) will show the similarity. Sachse writes:

In both of these books man is presented in his primal form as a spiritual power, containing the male and female elements. This spiritual principle constituted humanity before it became differentiated in matter until at the fall of Adam the spiritual Sophia departed from him. Then woman was formed out of a rib taken from his side, whereby he lost the female attribute and retained merely the male.

In order to bring mankind back to its state of original perfection the Messiah humbled himself to be born of the Virgin, thus to introduce the male principle into the body of a virgin, whereby Christ became a new regenerate man and stood as a male virgin perfect before God.

The object of Redemption, upon the part of the Brethren, was to be united with the celestial Sophia, or the divine female principle, which excluded human lvve in the attainment of the divine love. Upon the part of the sisterhood, the object was to be again united with the divine essence in the form of the heavenly bridegroom. It is this strain that runs through the Ephrata theosophy and upon which their speculations and life were based.

434 Dr. Seidensticker was of the opinion that Beissel followed, unknowingly perhaps, along a "well-frequented path." Along that same path that journeyed Sakyamuni, the founder of Buddhism. Beissel's theosophy, in some respects, showed Brahmanistical principles; parts were akin to the theories of the Neo-Platonists, and of the Mohammedan mystics, the Sufis; but, overpoweringly, the writings of the Ephrata Magus show the theories of Gottfried Arnold, the whole Beissel sophistry, however, being merged with the New Testament teachings of the English Sabbatarians, and the ceremonies of the Germantown Dunkers.

There was a clearly defined difference between the mysticism of the Eckerlings, and that of Beissel. Sachse writes: "The speculations and ritual of the Zionitic Brotherhood are not to be confounded with the theosophy of Beissel and the Community. The chief object of the Brotherhood was the attainment of physical and spiritual regeneration; that of Conrad Beisset was a conversion or betterment of the Community at large."

As the years passed, at least during the lifetime of Beissel, the tendency was more and more toward the mystical. In the sixties "a laboratory was built somewhere in the vicinity of the Kloster at Ephrata, and serious attempts made to discover the red tincture requisite to transmute baser metals into gold," but chiefly to find the Philosopher's Stone. This study followed the advent of Jacob Martin, the "High Philosopher," who joined the Community in and about 1762 and introduced "Hermetic philosophy, together with alchemy and occult speculations of the Pseudo-Rosicrucians."

With the completion of the Zion House and the founding of the Brotherhood of Zion, may be set the beginning of the struggle for, supremacy in the affairs of the Community between the Eckerling faction and Conrad Beissel. And it seems that the deeply-laid scheme of the Eckerling brothers was to bring this about by Beissel's own indiscretions of doctrine and administration rather than by direct opposition by his subordinates. By the command of Beissel, but at the instigation of the Eckerlings, certain radical practices were introduced that caused many of the Beisselianer to be angry with the Super- intendent, and thus to go over to the side of the Eckerlings. The fight continued for five years, bringing the Prior into supreme authority for a while, but finally bringing about his downfall, and the expulsion of the Eckerlings altogether from the settlement.

One of the first radical innovations was the proposition to have one's self baptized for the dead. The scheme "originated in the fertile brain of Emanuel Eckerling," and was brought to the notice of Beissel in 1738 by Alexander Mack, who had been persuaded that his father, the founder of the Dunker church, had never been properly baptized. Beisset highly esteemed Emanuel Eckerling (Brother Elimelech), whose oratorical powers had been so useful to him in revival campaigns; and after some hesitation he "was won over by Elimelech's subtle arguments." He consented to baptize both Brother Elimelech "for his deceased mother," and Brother Timotheus, "for his deceased father, the sainted patriarch of the Dunker church." justification for the act was found in the words of Paul, "that the first Christians did the same."

The impressive ceremony caused a furore for a while, within the settlement and without, but instead of bringing censure upon Beissel, "the idea of thus securing immunity for deceased or absent kinsfolk and friends struck the popular fancy." The movement even spread to other denominations, and in fact outlived the Ephrata Community.

A very contrary effect, however, followed the next act of Beissel. He was prevailed upon to accept the title of "Father," instead of plain "Brother," which it was explained was quite inappropriate for one who, "next to God," was the cause of the salvation of so many. The Superintendent had at first been known as "Brother Conrad," and the first attempt to bring his name into better relation with his nature and exalted place in the community was by substituting "Friedsam," meaning "Peaceful" for "Conrad." Then "Vater" was substituted for "Bruder," which title Beissel "accepted without contradiction," for, as the diarist explains, "he was so instructed from above that he would not readily have refused the good intentions of anyone, even though he might therefor reap the greatest reproach." It did bring reproach upon him, when it was made known at a love-feast. The "house-fathers" were offended; they looked upon it as "trying to exalt the Superintendent beyond measure." Nevertheless, the two monastic orders insisted upon it, adding "Cottrecht" (God-right) also to his name. Finally a compromise was effected, whereby the monks and nuns recognized Beissel as Vater Friedsam, Gottrecht, the secular congregation being permitted to continue to call him Brother Conrad. In 1741, however, another storm came, Johann Hildebrand then drawing up so great document" wherein he proved that according to the Scriptures "the title of Father belonged to no one but God." Discussion disclosed that since 1738, when the title had been first given to Beissel, the householders had looked upon him as "lost" to the secular congregation. Beissel next declared in public meeting that the whole church must vote "either to stand by the title, or not to do so." Brother Hildebrand then "began to justify his course," whereupon the Superintendent said that "henceforth he would have nothing to do with the Father-title; the whole congregation should decide what was to be done." Voting confirmed him in the title by common consent, "with a few exceptions." Beissel then decided that "the two Solitary Orders and all in the congregation who thought well of it, should call him Father; while the rest should be. free to do as they pleased." Thus Brother Hildebrand's efforts "came to nought." His action was attributed to jealousy. He had always rested uneasily under Beissel, never being able to forget that "he was older in his spiritual calling than the Superintendent," being "one of the first awakened in Germany"; besides, "he was very wise in his own conceit." Thus the matter of the title seemed to have been disposed of. All bowed' to the will of the majority. For that matter, the Zionitic Brotherhood was the dominant power at that time. But it is evident that a soreness was in the breasts of many of the house-fathers for many years thereafter; in fact, "as soon as the Superintendent had fallen asleep in the Lord (almost thirty years later, in 1768) many betrayed themselves that they were not satisfied with this title"; and seven years elapsed before a monument was erected to him. Even then, it was deemed advisable "to leave off the two names of Father and Gottrecht"; and, so as not to offend the other side, the name Brother was also omitted from the inscription, as has been already noted.

A troublesome period followed revival work and Sabbatarian Church establishment among the Dunkers of Amwell, New Jersey. Beissel appointed Brother Elimelech elder of the new Amwell congregation, consecrating him in the work by the "laying on of hands." But this consecration was not very effective, for Brother Elimelech was soon back in Ephrata, in disgrace. He was a little too much of a preacher, the Spirit holding him in the pulpit often for four or five hours, a sermon of which length was tiring, even to the "newly awakened." However, the good Amwell house-fathers tolerated Elimetech's excess of zeal in this respect, but when he proposed the holding of midnight services and expected to see thereat both young and old and of both sexes, the good house-fathers demurred; and when their ordained elder Elimetech, went so far as to command all members, male and female, to appear at these nacht-mettens, the parents still demurred; in fact, they forbade their daughters to attend, fearing that "offences might arise." Very soon afterwards they decided to dismiss their elder altogether, notwithstanding that he could "preach them all out of the room." The congregation at Amwell disintegrated afterwards, some going back to the Dunker affiliation, but several of the most devout moving to Ephrata.

Beissel had himself taken part in the Amwell revival services; and with him were Israel Eckerling (Prior Onesimus) and Alexander Mack (Brother Timotheus). These two men, "who appeared to be drawn so closely together," talked much with the Superintendent "as to their spiritual course." They were troubled, they said, for "there was still something wanting to complete their consecration." Baptism and the pledge of celibacy had not yet taken from them the desire to marry, and there was nothing that could hold them to their vows if they should decide to reenter the world. They wanted to hold, as in a vice, not only themselves, but every monk in Ephrata. They wanted to so mark the monastic novices and adepts that it would be impossible for any of them at will to throw aside their monastic garb and reenter the world unnoticed. A shaving of the crown would accomplish this; and to bring this into effect, the two assistants of Beissel "concluded upon a new covenant, with the Virgin Mary as the Patroness of their Order." Whether this had been a predetermined conclusion or had been arrived at after consultation with Beissel, is not stated; but evidently the Brotherhood of Zion was functioning somewhat unsatisfactorily. Beissel seemed to be quite in agreement with the conclusion reached by Brothers Onesimus and Timotheus, but it was thought better to keep the new covenant secret. However, it soon became known, and "caused a great stir in the settlement"; so much so that "a three-hour reproof was administered to the offending prior and brother in public meeting"; notwithstanding which the two went forward with their plans, and Beisset gave them public endorsement when at their request he introduced the tonsure. He entered into the spirit of the movement when they appeared before him asking him "to renew their vow of perpetual chas- tity," and in token thereof to cut the tonsure, as a visible sign of their betrothal to the Virgin, so that "the world might know that they had devoted themceives to the priestly office." The Prior knelt before Beissel, who then cut "a large bald spot on his head." "This was no sooner done than the prior convened the Brotherhood in the Chapter, and after the meeting was opened ordered every brother in turn to kneel down, repeat his pledge, and, after renewing his vows, have his hair cut and his crown shorn," states Sachse. 'I'he "Chronicon Ephratense," however, gives a slightly different version, the entry reading:

* * *, but the Superintendent ordered the Prior to kneel down, and after the latter had made a vow of perpetual chastity, he cut a large bald spot on his head; after which he and' the other brethren had the same done to themselves by the Prior. Thereupon a day was ordained as a festival on which the Order of the Solitary should take their vows of perpetual chastity. And notwithstanding that, secretly, many objections were made to it, because the Scriptures expressly forbid the shaving of the head, and because it was nothing but the warming up again of a custom that had originated in the Popish church, yet at the time set, in holy obedience, the entire Brotherhood appeared in its chapel; for they knew that the Superintendent stood under God, and that whoever opposed him struck at the very apple of God's eye. After the pledges had been openly read, one Brother after the other kneeled down, and had his hair cut and afterward his crown shorn.

Sachse makes it appear that Beissel, after the hair-cutting and crown-shearing by Prior Onesimus, made haste to do the same to the sisters, "so as not to be outdone by the prior" ; but it almost seems as if Beissel himself carried through the ceremony in both houses, for immediately after that part of the official record quoted above the following was written by the diarist:

Then the Superintendent went over to the Sisters, who were awaiting him in their chapel, and after their hair had been cut, after the manner of virgins in the primitive church, they all took the v(>w, and then had their crowns likewise shorn. Since this ordinance was instituted in the face of such strong opposition of the reason, it is fair to conclude that the Holy Ghost was in the work. * * *

After the consecration of the Sisters was done, the Superintendent returned to the Brethren, bringing with him the hair of the Sisters, which he laid on the table with the wish that he might live until their heads were gray. * * * Afterwards it was ordained that the memorial of this consecration should be celebrated every quarter of a year, when their hair should be cut again, and their tonsures renewed; in the meantime no one was allowed to put a shear to his head.

From that time forth, states Sachse, the Prior "continued to exalt himself in the priesthood." He caused the sisters to make for him a robe "Such as is described in the Bible as having been worn by the high-priest in the Temple ; and in it he was wont to preside at the agapes and love-feasts. He instituted night vigils, and ere long, in very many of the important ceremonies, Beissel Ngwas virtually superceded by the cunning Prior." The observances becvme so Papish that while their German neighbors of other denominations held up the Beisselianer to ridicule, referring derisively to the monks as bald-pates, shaven-crowns, full-moons, the Scotch-Irish looked more angrily upon such aping of Catholic mediaeval customs by the "croppies." The monks of Ephrata "were decried from the pulpit, as well as held up to scorn." Because of this supposed sympathy with the Roman Catholic church, the Ephrata Community was watched very closely during the French and Indian trouble; indeed, a special commission was appointed to investigate the "common charges" of disloyalty made against the settlement at that time. The charges of course were not difficult to disprove.

The leaders of the Ephrata Community, however, had much more serious causes for worry than that which they suffered by the introduction of the tonsure. The almost chronic state of scandalmongering they had to live through by reason of the proximity of the sexes at their nocturnal exercises should have gravely concerned Beissel and others. Indeed, he gave very definite indication in 1739 that the situation did concern him. In Zion House no provision had been made for congregational gatherings, and all assemblages and love-feasts were therefore held in the Bethaus, which adjoined the sisterhouse "Kedar." Every night at the midnight hour, the sisters would go from their convent into the Bethaus, and evtry night at the same hour the brothers would proceed from their house, Zion, down the hill and across the meadow to the Bethaus. Sachse writes: "These nocturnal processions * * * toward the habitation of the Spiritual Virgins called forth all sorts of unfavorable comment from outsiders, who did not hesitate even to question the integrity of the brethren, or their adherence to their vows." And just as the Bethaus had been erected by one interested house- father to silence the scandalous rumors then afloat regarding the nightly services held by both sexes in the sisterhouse, Kedar, so now did two faithful house-fathers come forward with an offer to build at their own expense a "prayer and schoolhouse" adjoining the brotherhouse, Zion, so as "to put an end to the rumors of scandal caused by the nocturnal processions to the prayer-house." The fathers of Rudolph Nagle and Samuel Funk, upon the investiture of these two young men in the Brotherhood of Zion, in October, 1739, made the offer to build this chapel adjoining the brotherhouse and to make it large enough to accommodate the secular congregation as well as the monks of the brotherhood. The proposition was received with great favor, and active preparations were made without delay, as winter was closing in. Although the ground was not broken until October, the -mason work was completed by Christmas Day, 1739, and no time was lost in raising the frame. The building projected was one of three stories, a large hall on the ground floor for general meetings, another hall on the second floor, for love feasts, and a number of cells for the monks on the top floor. "On the Sabbath, July 5, 1740, the last joint divine services were held in Kedar"; on Wednesday, July 16, 1740, the new prayer-house of Zion was dedicated; and thereafter, for some time, the congregation held their devotions in the new building." The building stood for about thirty-eight years, being converted into a hospital during the Revolutionary War, after whch it was never restored again.

The work of erecting the new prayer-house adjoining Zion had not proceeded far before an almost incredible edict was issued by Superintendent Beissel. It knelled the doom of the Bethaus, that magnificent but unfortunately-situated prayer-house, the close proximity of which to the sister house, Kedar, had brought the demand for a new meeting house, adjoining Zion. By the Superintendent's sudden and peremptory order the magnificent building of which Ephratans had reason to be proud, was to be demolished, even before the new prayerhouse was ready for use. The Bethaus, which had been in use only a little more than three years, "and the completion of which had been effected only after much toil and privation upon the part of the Community, "was to be razed, and at once. The householders were amazed. The cause "could scarcely be comprehended by human reason; the standard is too limited," writes the diarist. Secular members of the congregation "openly accused Beissel with king fools of his people." Few thought that the Eckerlings were involved in the matter, though Sachse seems to think it most probable. The two orders, male and female, were almost at loggerheads at that time, and possibly something heinous had been communicated to Beissel by the Eckerling faction, with the view of weak- ening the sisterhood, something so revolting regarding the Bethaus that Beissel, in a moment of anger or indignation, would order its immediate destruction. Evidently some very weighty reasonfor immediate action had been communicated to Beissel, or he had been angered by something to such a point that reason and common sense could not stay his hand. Still, it seems incredible that he should have given the order that swept away with the general meeting-house his own habitation as well, while there was still no other accommodation to be had. Yet it was done, and his own predicament was even worse than that of the congregation. The "Chronicon Ephratense" diarist in this connection writes: "Since a dwelling had been erected for him adjoining this building, he was now for the second time obliged to abandon his seclusion and therefore removed into the confines of the. Sisterhood. Here God made use of him to found their order.: whereupon he devoted himself wholly unto them."

Possibly, his own dwelling house was demolished in error. At all events, another was soon provided for him, but in an embarrassing situation; at least it would have been embarrassing to men of more worldly mind. Sachse gives the information that: "The brotherhood, to further injured the sisterhood and undermine Beissel, as soon as the chapel * * * adjoining Kedar had been demolished, erected in its place a small house or cabin for the use of the Vorsteher (Beissel), in which they caused him to take up his abode, after which for a time he devoted himself wholly to the sisterhood." When one knows the fundamentals of the Beissel theosophy, and they have been already stated in this sketch, one readily recognizes that such a situation would not bring embarrassment to Beissel. Indeed, the naive entries in the Ephrata official records regarding this period of Beisset's life would be inter- preted as damning evidence by those who were looking for corroboration of the many defamatory rumors then in circulation regarding Beissel's acts and character; but did not seem such appalling breaches of the convention to the Brethren. Evidently the diarist did not see that the situation would bring embarrassment, or that it in any way reflected against Beissel's good name and righteous aims. The entries show that Beissel when first "awakened" in Germany, almost hated women, but that in this Ephrata period he was absolutely at ease in the company of women, thinking no more of being alone with them than he would of being alone with his brethren, or than a father would when alone with his daughters. It was only in moments of pensiveness, when not quite sure of his own strength, that he realized that if it were not for his spiritual aspirations which kept him ever above the things of the flesh, he would at times be sorely tempted. For temptation surrounded him on all sides. But his doubts were rare and fleeting. Usually he realized that he had traveled far along the road to Spiritual Perfection; that indeed "the graft of the upper virginhood was through him"; that "the void in his side" had been filled, making him as Adam was before the fall. In that state he was not fearful of what temptations of the flesh the Devil might put in his way. It is therefore unlikely that such thoughts as would come to worldly men, sit- uated as he was, would occur to Beissel. But in all probability the Eckerlings were not so much interested in what Beissel thought of himself as in what others thought of him.

Maybe Beissel, as the protector, the spiritual father, of the sisterhood, felt it to be his duty personally to guard the sisters. Or possibly the time had already come when the Eckerlings were so well entrenched in the brotherhood that the leader of the community had perforce to bow to their wishes; and their chief wish was to discredit the Superintendent in some indirect way- by his own misdeeds preferably. Certainly the time did come when the Eckerlings did, to all intents, control even the person of their leader. It is just possible that Beisset decided to devote himself almost entirely to the sisters, because the Eckertings were in reality supreme in the brotherhood, and that thus -there was no comfort or sympathy to be found by him in that fraternity. Whatever the cause, Beissel decided, and the incrii-ninating situations developed-at least in the minds of others. The diarist notes that: "Whoever came to him at that time saw with astonishment his whole house filled with his spiritual daughters." But Beissel was not perturbed; the "old Adam" had departed from him. And there were many who believed so blindly in him that they did not see anything even worthy of remark in his situation. Beissel had convinced many that the "power of the Spirit in the Settlement at that time was like fuller's soap and a refinerps fire, whereby men's natures were tamed to such a degree that, although both sexes were in the bloom of youth, they nevertheless led an angelic and separate walk." The Magus of Ephrata may have been crafty; certainly he was of shrewd discerning mind; and he may have seen that a sure method of "taming" the body was by starvation fasting, body attrition, penances, are more "sanctimonious" words, meaning the same. Certain it is that the inhabitants of the cloistered houses at Ephrata soon became apipallingly emaciated, in "casting off the thraidom of the church of Adam." Beisset established most rigerous dietary rules, specifying certain foods of the vegetable kingdom as goo , and banning all that he deemed dangerous to holy aspirations, or as likely to excite the body to worldly desires.

Undoubtedly Beissel stood "high in the esteem of the sisterhood, and of the house-wives." They received. him with open confidence, for they were "fully convinced of his divine mission." "He held love-feasts with the female portion, no Brethren participating, at which the Sisters were his Diaconae, and officiated in all things," without the situation appearing to any of them as at all other than as it should be. He was quite at home in the sisterhouse, and was welcomed by all within it,-as a true friend, maybe; perhaps almost as a second Christ. 'I'he diarist writes: "Whenever he went into the Sister's convent, the whole house was moved; and when'out of every corner they called to him, he was pleased with this open-heartedness, and said- 'The young birds have the same simplicity when their provider comes to feed them.' "

Yet, his guileless actions were viewed very differently by some; even by some of his brethren. When Conrad Weiser was drawn away from the brotherhood and became a justice, he took occasion to let Beissel know some of the matters that had been rankling in his heart, and shaking his faith in the Superintendent. Weiser took offence at one remark that Beissel had passed, one "from which he inferred that the Superintendent must think himself to be Christ." Moreover, states the diarist, "because the Superintendent, on account of his office, had to be in the Sister's convent a great deal, he (Weiser) forbade him this, under penalty of severe punishment; because he took for granted that things were not as they should be. " And possibly it was the wish of the Eckertings that all and sundry should think so of Beissel, too. The latter, however, went on his way blissfully unperturbed, having the peace of an easy conscience, it would seem. Few men have been so bitterly slandered, but it hardly seems possible that there was real basis for it in his life; otherwise he could hardly have held, unto the end, the esteem of so many devout men who for decades had lived with him, and had known his movements day by day. Beissel was a visionary, had an exalted opinion of his own importance and mission; and he no doubt had some weaknesses; but he does not seem to have been possessed of such vices as would cause clean- minded persons to instinctively shrink from him, and leave him to his own company. This seems to be the broad deduction one might reach from the fact that most of those of his own brethren who were bitterest in denouncing him were again his devoted friends and admirers at some time before he died.

Case of Christopher Sauer-An exception, perhaps, was Christopher Sauer, the Germantown printer, though even he warmed toward Beissel in later years. In 1739, however, Christopher Sauer brought the Ephrata Community into widespread notoriety by his quarrel with Beissel. Sauer in all probability was basically embittered against Beissel because his own wife had followed the mystic's theosophy so calamitously as to leave her children, divorce herself from her husband, and enter the Ephrata convent. Beissel did not feel that to have been a calamity; to him it was a matter for rejoicing that the printer's wife should have so risen above the things of the world. But to the printer, it was probably the greatest misfortune of his life; a supreme tragedy he might well have laid at Beissel's door. The opportunity came in 1739 to belittle Beissel, though Sauer's own personal affairs may have had only a sub-conscious bearing on the righteous indignation that swelled within him at that time at the pretensions of the Ephrata leader. Christopher Sauer, a clockmaker and later a printer, by reason mainly of Beissel's wish that he should take up the publishing of some of his works, had been in Germantown only about a year when Benjamin Franklin, "as early as June 11, 1732," started to issue "Die Philadelphische Zeitung," the first German weekly newspaper published in America. It was founded, it is said, at the instance or suggestion of Beissel and the Eckerlings. Franklin was in reality not in sympathy "with the Dutch," and Sauer felt called upon to take up the German cause. But he had no type. As the years passed he saw one after another of the Beisselianer publications come from the Franklin press-German, on an English press. But Sauer was powerless. He had by 1735 become or had constituted himself "the confidential agent of the German Lutheran Church authorities" in America; and he longed for a Buchdruckery (German printing establishment). I-le wrote to Europe asking that type and press be purchased for him, promising to "refund the money advanced" at some time in the future. The church authorities, however, were then "overloaded" with other matters; besides they doubted whether any service would be rendered by a printing press in the West Indies." Sauer had to wait patiently until 1738 before he could write: "Where can I find words to praise the good God" who through the favor of one only described as "N" had provided him with the long-desired printing outfit. It is said that Sauer's first printing-press "was a home-made affair, constructed by the printer himself." At all events, his first years as a printer were fraught with much perplexity. Nevertheless, having the press and the type and being able to make ink himself, he courageously entered upon a large contract with the Ephrata Community, undertaking to print a new hymn book for the use of all Separatists in the Province. It was to be a duodecimo containing about 650 hymns. But, unfortunately, Benjamin Franklin at that time controlled the whole of the stock of printing paper then in the Province. Sauer was poor, and the situation was "no cash, no paper"; Franklin flatly refused "credit to the Dutch." Conrad Weiser then came to the rescue, journeyed to Philadelphia in July, 1738, and pledged his personal credit for the amount of the paper bill.

When the whole of the circumstance was disclosed, it will be seen that Sauer's part in this publication was very small; in reality it was the work of the Ephrata brethren, almost from beginning to end. Beissel and others had composed the hymns, Brother Enoch (Conrad Weiser) had provided the paper, and the brotherhood had undertaken "to aid in setting the type, working the press, and correcting the proof." The proof-readers were Peter Miller, Michael Wohifarth, and Samuel Eckerting, all learned men. Under such circumstances Sauer began to print the hymn-book, the chief title of which was: "Zionischer Weyrauchs Hugel oder Myrrhen Berg," (Zionistic Incense Hill or Mountain of Myrrh). The translation of the dedication, which was printed upon the reverse of the title-page, reads: "To all cooing Turtle Doves, alone in the desert as a spiritual harp-strain in the divers times of Divine visitation." Sauer had little to do with it, as has been shown, and he might have saved himself worry, work, annoyance, and ultimate expense, had he allowed those responsible Ephratans to proceed with the use of his type and press without hindrance. But this was his first commission, and he was to some extent "a defender of the Faith" in America. He was perhaps unduly jealous of his personal reputation, and also may have had an instinctive distrust of the Beisselianer, knowing, as he did, something of the queerness of their beliefs. At all events, he resolved that the Sauer imprint should not appear upon anything that might bring him discredit; therefore he instituted a somewhat astounding office for himself soon after the printing began. He set himself up as a censor of the hymns, and he held resolutely to that self-appointed unnecessary task throughout the printing, notwithstanding that there was much friction between the "correctors" and himself almost from the first. A friend of Sauer's, writing to another, regarding Sauer's commission and the men with whom he had to work, said, "they are sharp and particular enough, as one hears; therefore it makes him (Sauer) much trouble," which can well be imagined. Nevertheless, nothing unsurmountable happened until the 400th hymn had been reached. Then "a personal controversy arose between Beissel and the printer, which became exceedingly bitter, and ended in an estrangement lasting for fully ten years." Sauer was aghast at what he imagined he saw in that hymn. He objected particularly to the 37th verse, which he interpreted to mean that Beissel wished to set himself up as Christ. He demanded that the verse be stricken out or that its meaning be cleared from ambiguity, and was shocked, incensed, at the reply of the "corrector," who asked "whether he then believed only in one Christ." Sauer then wrote a letter, strongly remonstrating, to Beissel, and received a sharp, short, and caustic reply. The "Chronicon Ephratense" touches on the controversy in part as follows:

This aroused the good man to a fiery heat, and he resolved to avenge himself for this affront. Therefore he published a document against the Superintendent, in which he told under how strange a conjunction of stars the Superintendent was, and how each planet manifested in him its own characteristics: From Mars he had his great severity, from Jupiter his friendliness, from Venus that the female sex ran after him, raercury had taught him the art of a comedian, etc. He even found in his name, Conradus Beusselus, the numbers of the Beast, 666

Christopher Sauer published his own account of the controversy, and the following is a translation of his objection, as set forth in this account, to the spirit of the offensive hymn, No. 400:

The objections which I had to this hymn are these: The Martial and Mercurial spirit (meaning Conrad Beissel) wanted to appear as a Pillar of fire and clouds. Therefore almost all the words in the first four verses say as much as: "Join yourself unto me and do naught but what I conunand you;" especially so in the 14th and 23rd verses. In the 28th (27?) he complains that he is despised by his brethren as well as by sinners, although he had already brought them to God's light, as is shown in the 31ist verse. In the 33rd and 34th he again (attempts to) inspire courage. If one could only look upon him without loathing, he would be safe from the serpent's bite. In the 37th, 38th, and 39th verses, Mercurius (Beissel) leaps entirely too high, and swings himself upon the throne and cries: "See, see," etc. And this we are also to sing. Verily, our hair shall stand upon an end at such idoIatry, if one be not bewitched or mad.

Evidently, it was Samuel Eckerling who stirred the printer to such wrath, by countering with the question "whether he then believed only in one Christ." Maybe this was another of the schemes whereby the Superinten- dent was to be discredited; though if Beissel himself had not intended that such an interpretation of the verse might be taken, why did he not clear the ambiguity when it was pointed out to him by Christopher Sauer? Perhaps his pride or anger forbade him, for he, "in such things never remained anyone's debtor." He had a sharp pen. The hymn-book, the Weyrauchs Hugel, has a particular historical significance, in its being the first book to be printed in German type in America.

A noteworthy ceremony took place in the new prayerhouse of Zion in August, of 1740. Then, in the presence of the whole congregation, Beissel, as Vorsteber, solemnly consecrated Brothers Onesimus (Israel Eckerling), Jaebez (Peter Miller) and Enoch (Conrad Weiser) to the priesthood by the laying on of hands; "after which they were admitted to the ancient Order of Melchizedek by having the degree conferred on them in ancient form," states Sachse. Continuing, he writes:

After the ceremony the Vorstcher, assuming the role of Grand Master of the Zionitic Brotherhood, deposed Prior Jotham and appointed in his place the newly-ordained Brother Onesimus as prior, or perfect master of the Zionitic Brotherhood. This act called forth an energetic protest from the deposed prior, seconded as he was by a number of the brethren present. The emeute was, however, of but short duration, and ere the Chapter closed Beissel's authority was acknowledged by all present. This action of the Vorsteher was the result of differences which had arisen in the congregation incident to the controversy with Christopher Sauer over the hymns in the Weyrauchs Hugel.

The new prior was a hard taskmaster. If the monks were not sufficiently "tarned" by the one-meal-a-day dietary, and that a strictly vegetarian one, they surely could not have been expected to have held much flesh or spirit on only six hours of sleep, and that in two periods, out of each twenty-four hours, especially when it was demanded that their eighteen waking hours be applied mainly to some confining occupation. Prior Onesimus was the business manager of the establishment, and he had resolved that the institution should declare good dividends. "He applied the discipline so severely as to be almost unbearable." Peter Miller wrote thus of conditions within the convent at this period: "Now between the poor devotees of Ephrata and the wool-headed African Sclaves (sic) no other difference than that they were white and free sclaves." Conrad Weiser, in his formal letter to the Ephrata authorities, in 1743, renouncing his allegiance to the "young but already decrepit sect," protested against the "domination of conscience" and the "suppression of innocent minds," and fervently hoped "that the time will come when they shall be liberated from their physical and spiritual bondage, as also from the thraldom of conscience, under which they are groaning." He protested "once more against you, the overseers, who feed yourseivs and do not spare the flock, but scatter and devour them." The official record is also quite startling. An entry in the "Chronicon Ephratense," as to this period under Prior Onesimus, reads:

As such discipline, so unpleasant to the flesh, was imposed upon the good Brethren of the Settlement, the passion of the body of Christ increased among them; whoever beheld them was amazed at their lean and pale appearance. This was indeed made known to the world by writings, but no one entered into the secret of it, because they were reticent and silent about it

. * * * After Brother Onesimus had been made Prior of the convent of Zion by the Superintendent, the latter gave him his intimate confidence and fellowship, by reason of which the Prior ruled the Brethren with such severity that if anyone lifted but a hand against him it was an understood thing that such an one sinned against God, and jeopardized his eternal salvation; and though they often intended to rebel against him, yet they feared the Superintendent whom they held to be an ambassador of God.

Threats to overthrow the prior were frequent; every year one group or another would resolve to break the thraldom, and set up an independent community "in the desert"; but Prior Onesimus still was upheld by Beissel. The Chronicon states . "The Superintendent * * * had a superhuman fidelity to him and gave him every protection, even though the entire brotherhood was against him." Once the Superintendent met the protests of the brethren, and a vote was taken. This showed that Brother Onesimus "lacked two votes of being reelected. Then the Superintendent claimed the right of two votes, and both he cast for Onesimus, who was thus again made Prior.

The state of affairs in Zion reached such a high pitch of discontent at times that there would be quarreling for hours, even while at divine worship. A Chronicon entry reads: "The Prior, however, was seized by the spirit of office, so that he considered himself bound to bring the brethren under * * * In those days many an one may have cried unto God for release from this spiritual tyranny, but the answer to their prayers was postponed for yet greater trials."

The morale of the brethren must have been low at that time. One irritant was in the insistent preaching or reading from the Prior's own writings.Prior Onesirnus kept two brethren busily employed in transcribing his writings; and, states the diarist, "if he was tired of preaching at the matins, he had his Lectors who had to read from his writings the rest of the time, wherefore many an one in his vexation exclaimed: 'He preached us to death again."'

Whether the brethren were held more securely in subjection by membership in the secret society than would have happened had their affiliation been merely to an ordinary monastic order can hardly be determined. There were certainly some alleged practices on Zion Hill that become more blood-curdling by reason of their mysticism and the vagueness of tradition. Sachse writes: "Of the mystic rites and occult ritual with which the Zionitic Brotherhood dedicated their Temple, in the ghostly hour after midnight, we have nothing but faint traditions which tell of processions, incantations, prayers, and mystic ceremonies, said to date back to the ages of the Pharaohs."

The Building of "Peniel'-But the leaders of the brotherhood evidently were not satisfied with having only partial use of the prayerhouse; they wanted the exclusive use of it; and within two months of its dedication, Beissel had to point out to the secular congregation that it would be to their disad- vantage to continue to hold their church meetings in the prayerhouse. He decreed: "The congregation must build itself an own house of prayer; thus it is ordained in the divine order of the work, and I will render aid thereto in the spirit." Some of the house-fathers then withdrew from membership in the congregation; nevertheless, the Zionitic Brotherhood deemed the matter to have been already finally decided, and began to prepare the timbers for the new prayerhouse for the secular congregation. They began construction in the fall of 1740, but it was not until September of the next year that the new structure was enclosed. It was made tenantable in the following December, when it was consecrated with a general meeting and love-feast, and then named "Peniel" by Beissel for the reason that "upon this spot he had wrested in the spirit and prayed, and had a vision." The new prayerhouse "Peniel" was to have been forty feet square and forty feet high, "thus symbolizing the number of perfection," but in the difficulties of building this measurement could not be kept. The building site was "within the graveyard in the meadow, some distance from the other structures."

Michael Wohifarth, (Brother Agonius), had he lived, might have been inducted as intendant or vorsteher of the new prayerhouse, but "his soul took flight to the realms beyond" in May of that year, 1741; therefore, at the dedicatory services, Brother Elimelech (Emanuel Eckerling) was appointed to the charge of the secular congregation, in "Peniel."

The building is one of those still standing, that known as the "Saal," and its unique features have to be seen to be fully appreciated. Its roof slopes much more acutely than that of the earlier structures erected had; this is attributed to the extremely severe winter of 1740-41, and to the suggestion prompted during erection by an exceptionally heavy snowfall. Not the least interesting sight within the Saal is the marking of the ceiling. Sachse writes: "If the visitor to the old sanctuary will cast his eyes aloft toward the north- west corner of the room, directly under the old north gallery, and took carefully at the boards forming the ceiling, he will plainly see at regular intervals the impression of the naked human foot upon the boards, marks that have re- mained here during all these years, notwithstanding repeated attempts to eradicate them with soap and sand, and an application of muscle such as only a Pennsylvania-German matron is capable of."

One explanation is that one of the brethren, who worked barefooted in the sawmill at which these ceiling board were prepared, greased the soles of his feet. which were sore, the day being hot. He stood upon the boards, and the greasy imprint thus came into the poplar boards forever. But old Ephrata records seem to suggest another reason. The "Chronicon Ephratense," referring to a prayerhouse states that in it "were manifested forth many won- ders of God. The manifestation may have been in fervor at a revival service; but some might think that it had reference to the "miracle" noted in the interesting legend below :

Far back in the days when the Eckerlings were the ruling spirits, and the Brotherhood of Zion practiced their mystic teachings and occult rites, some question was raised at one of the midnight meetings as to the truth of the claims made for the esoteric and mystical rites and practices of the Zionitic Brotherhood. There was a great outpouring of the spirit upon that occasion, and the discussion finally grew into a challenge to the mystic brotherhood to produce some proof of their supernatural, or occult power. With that the seventh hour pealed forth from the tower of Zion Hill; this hour corresponds with our midnight. Hardly had the sound died away when two of the Zionitic brethren accepted the challenge. ThroDwing off their long robes and taking the sandals from off their feet, they mounted one of the long tables, and, supporting themselves for a few seconds by their hands, raised their feet to the ceiling, and thus walked in the reverse order among the brethren. One of these men was the prior, and wherever his feet touched the ceiling they left their impression upon the unpainted wood. Thus was manifested a double miracle.

This miracle may have been entertaining, but it lacked the impressive dignity of most divine manifestations.

Within a few weeks of the dedication of Peniel, Ephratans witnessed a much more impressive manifestations To some it seemed that the end of the world was nigh. On Monday, February 22,1741-42, as the midnight bell was being tolled, calling the monks to the nacht-metten, to watch for the harbinger of the celectial Bridegroom, a bright. light was suddenly seen in the eastern sky, a blazing star with a bright fiery tail that seemed to be "a 'bunch of switches with which the divine forces were about to punish the unrepentant and unregenerate of mankind." The prophesies of Brother Agonius (Michael Wohlfarth), who had passed from time to eternity only a short while before, came to the minds of some of the mystics of Zion, who were on their way to the prayerhouse. They "were struck dumb with fear and amazement.', The state of mind of the Prior, Onesimus, was such that he "at once fell upon his knees on the frosty ground and commenced to pray for mercy." The fiery messenger brought out the Vorsteher, Beissel; he ordered the bell to toll, "to alarm the Community"; and he ordered all to assemble in Peniel. Consternation spread throughout the settlement; indeed, throughout the whole of Pennsylvania, and for that matter throughout other provinces also in all probability, for it was an age of superstition and religious fanaticism and unrest. In Ephrata, special liturgical services were read in all the Sabbatarian chapels, the service of Tuesday closing with the invocation: "O great and mighty Lord, whose ineffable name is contained within this psalm (the IV Psalm), Thou that hearest the supplications of those who repeat this Psalm, have mercy upon us, and heed our supplications on this the third day of the week, whose heavenly signs are the Ram and Scorpion, its Angel Sammeal and servant Moadim. Amen."

The comet was visible for a number of nights, and its effect was evident in the thoughts of people for long afterwards. From this trying period date a number of hymns which are to be found in the Paradisches Wunderspiet. They were visionary, prophetic, and strikingly indicated Beissel's excited state of mind at that time. The Ephrata record states that the Superintendent "in those days was lifted above the world of sense, and had surmounted time with its changes," so that his hymns then composed were "full of prophesy," and elonged to "the evening of the sixth time-period." They represented "the last times so impressively" that it seemed as though "the kingdom were already dawning." Many wonderful things were revealed to Beissel by the Spirit; and in the spirit, he wrote his "Wunder Schrifft," of which there were subsequently several English editions under the title of "A Dissertation on Man's Fall." It "opened up a far outlook into eternlity"; in fact, went "further than even the holy Apostles in their. revelations." Beisset's followers also had already reached, or would soon reach, the state of new manhood wherein God would open, or had opened unto them again "an entrance unto the tree of life, so that they again ate of the Verbo Domini, and so satisfied themselves with unceasing prayer as though they had been at some sumptuous banquet; all which Adam forfeited when he descended to earthly things." Some of the monks, it is said, had reached such a state of zeal for "the angelic life" that, as there was "now no secret among them any more how Adam before the fall had eaten" they tried to live without any function- ing of the organs of elimination. Beisset had "to restrain many an one in his too great zeal" in this respect, for they had "overcome all mercy towards the body," and probably would have died.

But all and sundry had to "come down to earth" again, to the prosaic things of the every-dav world. The end of the world had not come. The Millenium had not become a present state; indeed, the world seemed to settle down as though the sixth time-period had still many eons yet to run. And therefore the prophetic spirit among the Beisselianer began to grow tired. Soon, "the prophetic spirit had withdrawn again into his chamber altogether"; and then even the startled Prior gave up his inclination to incessantly pen prophetic epistles, it gradually coming to his notice that there were things of moment, of reality, and of pressing urgency, facing him. He saw that the world had returned to normal again, and that much responsibility rested upon him. So he gave his time to matters of every-day business-to the sys- tematizing of the affairs of the Ephrata fraternity.

Prior Onesimus also evidently brought the Superintendent down from ethereal heights to terra firma to hard matters of fact of this world. Not altogether pleasing facts, one might surmise, for the outcome was that the Super- intendent, with the change instituted by the Prior in the financial system, had to deliver over to others the custody of the community purse. Formerly, Beissel had held the communal purse, and hadnever been able to keep it closed. The situation was hopeless from the business standpoint, with Beissel as treasurer. His philosophy was not practical. According to the "Chronicon Ephratense": "Before the government among the Solitary was systematized a certain simplicity reigned among all . the Superintendent was the father of all of them, and they were hischildren; and, when they travelled, it looked likeabengoingwithherbroodofchicks. Heheldthefunds,and whoever had any money handed it over to him; and he appropriated it in such wise that the Settlement always remained poor. Not until after his death was it, revealed that most of it had been carried away by beggars."

Prior Onesimus, however, erred as grievously in the opposite direction. The congregation had been gradually drifting away from the monastic bodies, and especially since the brotherhood had barred them from their prayerhouse, adjoining Zion; consequently the contributions of house fathers to the general funds were becoming seriously less. The Prior realized that the orders must be made independent, self-sustaining economic units, which brought about a state of things the Superintendent deplored; he was "much concerned about this singular economy." It appears that: "the Prior was seized with unbelief, and sank into purely temporal prospects. And as the Mother of the Sisters also fell into this faithlessness, they secretly took counsel together how they might organize the economy so as to provide a living without having to depend upon the favor of the domestic households upon which dependence could no longer be placed. All this had taken place behind the Superintendent's back. * * * Now, therefore, there was instituted in the Settlement a worldly economy for the sustenance of the natural life, which presented a ducal court-economy, wherein the Brethren and Sisters were made men ser- vants and woman servants."

Beissel, it is said, saw that the new financial system "was artificial rather than inspired by the Spirit"; yet he upheld the Prior, in his solution of "how so many young people should be kept employed and preserved from idleness," though at times, when he visited the Brethren "in their sad condition at their matiiis" he was "deeply moved" by their "miserable state"; so much so that "he often was melted to overflowing."

The basic principle of the new system was that private ownership "was an Ananias-sin"; and any who entered the orders had to deliver over to the fraternity the whole of their worldly possessions. They had to renounce right to them forever, even though they might again go back into the world after only a short stay in the convent. They had no redress, even in the courts. One man, Henry Bone, felt so despondent after being refused the return of his property that he took his own life. This renunciation of property was of course the rnill-wheel that was to ensure independence to the monastic orders; but the power was to be derived from the bodies of the monks and nuns. Under the new system, the convents "were so abundantly supplied with spiritual officials that no one could stir a step without them; and the hours of the day and night were so apportioned that no one had any time left for recreation except the holy Sabbath."

At first the men were literally the beasts of burden. The Chronicon notes that "they drew their cart themselves, and were their own horses; when they travelled the went heavily laden like camels, and sometimes the whole Brotherhood might be seen trooping around the hill of Zion." But Prior Onesimus was a pioneer of industry; he "was really pregnant with important projects," and soon changed the crude labor conditions. He introduced labor-saving devices, all the while adding, or planning to add, to the means of revenue.

Hence, in a short while some quite important and profitable industries were established. Brother Agrippa, writing in 1786 of this period under Prior Onesimus, testified that although "much of the primitive simplicity was lost, wherein God had manifested his wonders": "in its stead was opened a. wide outlook into the world, for the Brethren, whose intelligence had been widened at their conversion, set up various mechanical trades, which brought in great profits, and which they handed over to the Prior, so that in a short time the treasury became so rich that money began to be loaned out; yes, it is likely that if God had not destroyed this economy, the Brethren would by this time have ships upon the sea."

One can readily imagine that profits would rapidly accrue from labor given for no other wage than one meal each day; and that a very light one. the diarist naively, or perhaps sarcastically, words an entry thus: "* * * it cannot be said that the Brotherhood of Zion had, at that time, fallen away from its holy calling, for their household was regulated in such a manner that one could hardly live, so that whoever was not well accustomed to fasting, had to resort to stealing.'

The only "harbor of refuge" was the mill. There the famished monks could get many comforts that were impossible in the cheerlessness of the convent, where there were so many eyes, and so little that hungry eyes could feast upon. A daily market had been set up by the monks in the grist-mill, and to it many pious people came to trade. There the monk could find relaxation. There, probably, the spirit was more convivial than sanctimonious, a state to be deplored perhaps. The diarist reflects how "sad it is that so many otherwise earnest Brethren fortified their calling there." It was evidently a place of good cheer; the air was not so oppressive as that within the cloistered houses; and if there were any "merry monks" at Ephrata in those days they were more likely to be found on the staff of the mills than elsewhere. The diarist points out that "whenever his quarters became too narrow for a Brother at the Settlement, he betook himself to the mill, for there he could live according to his natural inclinations."*

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*To fully appreciate this reference to narrowness of quarters, one should visit the convent-houses still standing in Ephrata. There It is seen that the bed or a monk, or nun, was one wooden board, not more than fourteen inches wide-& mere shelf. The sleeper could hardly roll out of bed because the opposite wall of the bed-chamber was scarcely more than a plank's width away. The room was appropriately called a "kammer" or "cell." And no man of greater breadth than twenty lnenes could get through the doorways, or along the corridors, apparently; at least, the doorways were only twenty tuches wide. It seemed as if the aim In house-frame and human-frame was to follow thL" scriptural injunction that "Straight to the gate and narrow is the way that leadeth unto life." But if, in the rigorous 11 1)enances" of the monsstic life, things physical should go topsy-turvy, and a brother should develop flesh instead of bone, it perforce became advisable to find him more commodious quarters than a cell twenty inches wide.

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Consdiered from the worldly standpoint, the industries established at Ephrata, mainly through the initiative and executive ability of the Eckerling brothers, were commendable achievements; but viewed from the standpoint of heavenly gain, they were calamitous and unprofitable. Under the Eckerlings, the Ephrata Community became a strong, financially-sound institution; concurrently it became a religious body of marked decreptitude. The true personalities of the administrators are here indicated. 'The horse generally answers to the rein. Under Beissel, who cared little for the things of this world, the community was poverty-stricken; under the Eckertings, who had very ambitious institutional plans, the community soon reached financial integrity.

The first provident planning under the Eckerling regime was the planting of a large orchard, and a row of fruit trees skirting the entire Kloster (Cloister) property. The next business enterprise was the acquiring of the mill-seat on the Cocatico creek, at the foot of Zion Hill. This important acquirement is believed to have been consummated in 1740 or 1741, though the grist-mill at that point dates "from the earliest days of the settlement." After coming into the hands of the community, its power was soon developed. "The mill was rebuilt of stone, and its capacity increased to three runs of stone." But developments at that mill-seat were rapid. Ere long it was the centre of five different industries of the community. First, a saw-mill was added; next came a paper-mill. This was followed by the establishment of a skillfully-built oil-mill, "with stones the like of which none existed in America." Looms for weaving were set up, and a fulling-mill also erected. The papermill became most important, for in it "much of the paper that was used during the provincial period" was made. The oil pressed in the Ephrata mill "was used to make the printer's ink required in the province." Preparations were made to develop a large tannery in the meadow, west of the brotherhouse. Immense vats were dug and framed. A bark mill for grinding the oak and hemlock bark was also built. Ultimately, the product of the community tannery came into good demand, notwithstanding that it came to be derisively known in some quarters as jesuiten-leder. Its quality was good, and much of this leather was used in binding the books printed in the community print- ing plant. Shoemaking was also carried on extensively. it is said that.a pottery was also operated by the brotherhood; but, though there are evidences that earthenware pottery was made in the vicinity of Ephrata in colnial times, there is nothing to definitely connect the Ephrata Community with that industry. The platters and cutlery used in the convents were mostly wooden. Quarries were opened, and masons were kept busy preparing stone for building and other work. There was much traffic along the roads, and much of it was the outcome of the industries of the community. Under the Eckerlings, three teams (of horses, not men) were constantly in use, taking materials to, or drawing produce from, the community mills; therefore an attempt was made to improve the roads, and to build stone bridges. Prior Onesimus left nothing undone that might ease the way of business. He established purchasing and sales agencies in Philadelphia and elsewhere, among such agents being Johannes Wuster and Christopher Marshall. The convent-houses also were "hives of industry" at that time. One of the earliest industries established in Zion was a bookbindery which in 1742-43 "was the largest and best equipped bindery in the colonies."

In the sisterhood various ways of keeping the sisters industriously employed were devised and instituted. The occupations were lighter, though there was a time when the sisters were capable of, or a least had to do, much heavier work; they had to dig their own potatoes, and indeed provide the vegetables for both houses, by no means a light task, for a household of nearly a hundred. The sisters even had to wield the axe, to split wood for themselves. Various duties of the domestic economy naturally fell to them; they baked the bread for both orders, busied themselves with canning, washed for both houses, and did many other additional tasks. Before the famous Ephrata printing-press was installed, the sisters did much copying of manuscript, painstakingly writing not one but many copies of voluminous works. For many years they did the whole of the copying of Beisset's music, and several of the sisters were wonderfully skilled in engrossing. Many beautiful specimens of their skill in ornamental penmanship are in the possession of the Pennsylvania Historical Society, and in such work the sisters reached lasting and well-merited fame. But in addition to their educational, musical, and charitable work, the sisters were constantly employed in several industries for commercial gain. These industries included spinning, quilting, embroidering, the dipping of sulphur matches, the making of wax-tapers, "curious paper-lanthorns," pasteboard boxes, household remedies, and much else. Whatever they did, there was a sound business reason for it. Their quilting industry was continued "long after the institution had commenced to fall into decay"; in fact, it was the last industry practiced in a "systematic way" in the old Kloster.

The Famous Ephrata Press-The printing establishment of the brotherhood comes next to the quilting industry of the sisterhood in point of long continuance; but of course it was of much more importance. The history of the printing industry in colonial America must give prominent place to Ephrata, and to the Ephrata hand-press upon which some of the earliest and most important American printing was done. While Bradford, Franklin, and Sauer were earlier printers, the Ephrata press was the first in Pennsylvania upon which printing in both English and German was done. It was not until 1747 that Benjamin Franklin issued an imprint in German type, and the first in English type from the Sauer press was in 1749. The Ephrata hand-press was installed in 1742 or 1743, and the first book in German type from that press was published in 1744. In 1745, Prior Onesimus (Israel Eckerling) printed a polemic in English against the Moravians. For fifty years thereafter, the press was in use at Ephrata, and for a further thirty years it was operated in Philadelphia. It now reposes in the museum of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, "in much the same condition as when it stood in the Kloster, the only material change being the substitution of an Oram lever in place of the primitive screw after it was removed from Ephrata." Sachse writes: